France was slow and somewhat ineffectual in organizing resistance movement. In Occupation Ian Ousby challenges the myth that France was liberated " by the whole of France." The author explores the Nazi occupation of France with superb detail and eyewitness accounts that range from famous figures like Simone de Beauvoir, Charles de Gaulle, Andre Gide, Jean-Paul Sartre and Gertrude Stein to ordinary citizens, forgotten heroes and traitors.
I an Ousby's life began - and ended - in tragedy. The birth was tragic, or at least bleak, because his army officer father had been stabbed to death in the India of 1947, independence year, while his mother was pregnant with him. The death was tragic, or at least deeply sad, because his industry, insight, versatility, critical and literary skills, which had created a considerable reputation for him as a writer in diverse fields, have been cut off by cancer at the relatively early age of 54. Ousby never seemed a very contemporary figure and eschewed fashion and fashions of all kinds. Mannered and slightly languid - but not eccentric - in speech and dress, he was an essentially shy man who was able, through the clarity of his thought and the manner of his expression, to get trenchantly to the heart of the matter, somewhat like a 19th-century essayist but without a hint of the dilettante. As writer, scholar and broadcaster, his contributions ranged through several genres: the study of detective fiction, travel, literature and modern French history among them. His readers were far flung: his book on the American novel was translated into Russian, on detectives in fiction into Japanese. Born in Marlborough, Wiltshire, he had a reputation as a rebel at school, Bishop's Stortford College. A young and liberal headmaster was not quite liberal enough for Ousby, and he fulminated in the school magazine, of which he was editor, against the public schools as "the last institutions in which changes in national attitude, thought or social pattern are reflected". An active member of CND from his early teens, he would go on the Easter marches, and proselytised in the provinces for the newly published Private Eye. Yet all this was misleading. Pitchforked into American student unrest at the end of the 1960s when he went to Harvard for his doctorate, he found the radicalism unpleasant and the time-wasting unacceptable. Writing from Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1972, he observed: "Mercifully, political consciousness seems to have diminished, so they [the students] won't be going on strike all the time." The author of several books on early tourism and of Blue Guides to Literary Britain and Ireland (1985), England (1989) and Burgundy (1992), he had most recently been working on a major study, The Road to Verdun: France, Nationalism and the First World War, news of which has been greeted with excited anticipation in the world of books, and which will be published early next year. As a young man Ousby had quoted Martin Luther King approvingly: "You can never get rid of a problem as long as you hide the problem." In private life, like many or most of us, he probably failed to live up to that; in his writing, he triumphantly exemplified its message.
It depends on how you view the collaboration of many of the French people during the occupation of their country, especially Paris, by the Nazis during WWII as to how you will enjoy or dislike this book. If, however, you have no preconceived notions about that period of French history, it will provide an interesting window on a time of defeatism, ennui, collaboration, and resistance.
The author has done well documented and in-depth research into the activities of the government, both at Vichy and in London/Algiers where DeGaulle was the titular head of the provisional government......the Free French. Some of the the myths that are held as truths today are questioned, particularly regarding the strength, inner turmoil, and organization of maquis, the resistance group(s). Neither is the author an apologist for nor a condemner of Marshal Petain and his Vichy government but treats him as fairly as possible as an aged, naive, and misguided man who actually believed he was doing the best for France.
This history tends to bog down periodically but no enough to have an effect on my rating. It is a detailed history of a very troubled time in French history.
A well researched, well organised, philosophical overview of France under Nazi occupation. The author depicts a humiliated, abject nation where collaboration and opportunism are much more common than resistance. How the Nazis found a lot of extreme right wing anti-semitic feeling in France to exploit and thus were often able to let the willing French do their dirty work for them. It's interesting how novels mostly depict the French as heroic freedom fighters which seems a case of ignoring the many and singling out the few. When the tide of the war turned and it became clear Hitler was going to lose it's true there was more opposition but this book depicts a country at war with itself, a country going through an identity crisis and finally a country that emerges from the war with far more shame than glory. The Vichy government for example has to stand up as one of the most pathetic cynical governments in the history of Europe. Petain, a vain and virtually senile old man, who has lost all contact with reality - ring any bells? It's extraordinary how a lot of men rise to power. The world is full of intelligent gifted clear sighted individuals and yet we end up with nut jobs like Kim Jong Un, Donald Trump, Hitler, Mussolini and Petain governing us. Make sense of that if you can!
L'enfer, c'est les Autres. . The polite Wehrmacht tourist soldiers, the SS, la Gestapo, the polite policiers who checked whether your papers were in order and rang your door in the morning. They were behind the hungry queues, the improvised wartime chic in their beflowered turbans, the French workers who slaved on the Dora V-2 site along Russian P.O.W.'s.
Sartre's oft misanthropically expanded line suits an atmosphere of ambiguity which runs like a grey thread throughout the book. The ordeal of France was akin to a civil war by proxy in the highest echelons, where the armed forces of the Free French and Vichy France faced eachother in Syria. At the grass roots level, the necessities of primus vivendur overrode consciences and turned eyes blind. Trains steaming into Paris from the countryside earned food-themed nicknames as they fueled a profilic black market that frayed the law and enriched both career criminals and a new class of profiteers.
Yet it also counterbalanced a German extraction policy that depleted the entire country not just of foodstuffs but of myriad household goods until it was impossible zu leben wie Gott in Frankreich unless you were one of 'them'. What can you do when your café is designated for German soldiers, close up shop? What can you do when official rations are so inadequate that vitamin deficiencies raised a generation of zazou teenagers several centimeters shorter than their pre-war counterparts?
There is no verdict on the mythology of the Fifth Republic, with De Gaulle as the titan of a united and tenacious national Resistance, but it is revealed to be a mythology: his position as the leader of the free French was far from secure before Normandy and the casualty rate among both the urban Resistance and the Maquis of the rural south was high due to a mix of amateurism and a dire lack of weaponry. Patriotism was no match for the cold professionalism of a totalitarian security apparatus, even if its numbers were minute relative to the demographic under surveillance, and highly dependent on the French police force and the inevitable flock of civilian informants.
Exasperated SOE agents attributed this trait to that peculiar 'French openness' while they did their best to orchestrate accurate parachute drops for resistance groups as ill-equipped as the ZOB in the Warsaw ghetto. The distribution of explosives changed the nature of the Resistance from poorly orchestrated murders and symbolic deeds such as defacing propaganda posters to an undervalued contribution to the Allied landings, in the form of a centralized sabotage offensive that supported the brute force of tactical bombing like a lancet in the night.
There is a lot fit within these 300 pages, like a beautiful stained glass window, but it is crafted in an uneven manner: only at the end do you realize just how much Résistance was written here. By contrast, assimilated Jewish neighbours disappear as fading stars in the fog rather swiftly. Pétain and the Vichy government are present, but their very powerlessness in the face of Nazi overlordship keeps them out of focus, like a person trapped under ice.
The occupation of France during the Second World War has to be viewed from a distance to be brought into focus at all. It is done brilliantly by the Englich historian Ian Ousby. He searched original sources to capture the attitudes of the times, as well as specific events. France suffered swift military defeat and then the humiliation of a collaborationist government. Petain's Vichy government hoped to negotiate better terms for French citizens, and it seemed to be working until Germany's need for food and workers became too urgent. As deprivation became more severe, clusters of resisters, "Maquis", rural guerillas, sprung up, as individual clusters, some Communist, some not. They were good at sabotage, and to attempt to control them, an opposing French militia, "Millice", was developed. The internal war became Frenchmen-against-Frenchmen. By the end of the war, retribution became the order of the day, again, Frenchman against Frenchman, often for no clear reason. Anti-semitism was near-universal. All this sad story is told in flowing prose, with attention to the level of documentation available. It is an attempt to portray that dismal era as accurately as possible. This is what a history should be: a readable book, well-researched, as neutral as possible, and enlightening.
This book is, quite simply, brilliant. If you want a guide to how life was actually lived under Nazi rule, look no further. I'm studying the topic in French lessons at the moment and this book has been invaluable. It's readable, interesting, and if you've an interest in French writers like Sartre it gives you a rather unique perspective on their role in the Resistance. Also, quite a few of the terms are left untranslated, making it pretty useful for all the essays I'll have to write come summer. One caveat: it's awfully slow going. Not disinteresting, but I did find I could only read a couple of dozen pages at a time, which is very rare for me.
Fascinating book on the occupation of France and the Fascist Vichy government under Petain, that replaced "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" with "Work, Family, Country".
I have spent much time in the past twenty years examining the causes and effects of World War II on France. There are many reasons for this particular study: 1) my ancestors are from Alsace, France, a borderland whose nationality volleyed between France and Germany; 2) my Dad fought in World War II, and 3) it is the primary historical intersection in which I share a passion with my husband (his area of interest lies in the Normandy conquest).
We spent part of our last vacation on the southern coast of England on the cliffs of Dover and below Dover Castle, where the planning of the evacuation of the BEF, or Operation Dynamo, was organized. We hope to return next may to take the ferry over to Dunkirk, France, where the evacuation took place.
Included in this study, are many historical texts and biographies about the German Occupation of France, particularly in Paris, from May 1940 to June 1944. For this post, I will examine one French writer, Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-80), who lived in Paris during the Occupation and became a voice of the people, forever changing French literary culture. I am referencing Literary France byPriscilla Parkhurst Clark and Ian Ousby’s Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944.
In the decades leading up to World War II, Nobel Prize winners Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus had already established themselves as significant influences in the philosophy of existentialism and Marxism. These writings continue to influence these disciplines today. Sartre’s partner and fellow existentialist, Simone de Beauvoir, would also become a prominent feminist writer of this time.
In their writings, Sartre (Huis clos, Les Mouches) and de Beauvoir (Les Mandarins, winner of le prix Goncourt, like our Pulitzer) developed the main themes of opposition to the bourgeois world and solidarity with the working class and communism. Camus (L’Etranger, La Peste) would also examine these themes and focus on morality in modern times.
Ironically, before the war, Sartre was heavily influenced by German philosophy and developed a distinctive style for his writings that challenged French philosophy and the French language itself. (Literary, 167). This philosophy, of course, would change over the next decade.
Sartre served in the French army as a meteorologist until his capture by German troops in 1940, where he spent nine months as a prisoner of war. According to Priscilla Parkhurst Clark in Literary France: “The war confronted Sartre with a palpable enemy of a different order than the bourgeoisie…Sartre entered the ‘socialistic’ stage of his life (174).” Sartre was no longer attacking the bourgeoisie as an outsider; he now became an “insider” of French literary culture.
Upon Sartre’s return to France in 1941, during the German Occupation, he founded an underground group, “Socialism and Liberty”, along with other writers. Sartre would continue to write throughout the Occupation about the moral corruption and behavior of the Germans.
According to Ian Ousby in his book Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944, this living of a day-to-day existence, aided in the ‘New Order in Europe’ which depended upon the passivity of ordinary people to accomplish its goals. Sartre placed the writer squarely in the midst of society, having daily conversations at the Café de Flore with other intellectuals (Ousby 41).
There are hundreds of books written about this horrific time in France’s history [see post on “Is Paris Burning?]”. However, what better lens and perspective on Occupied France than from a writer and statesman who lived in this societal prison? Sartre renounced French literary culture with such passion because he was so much a part of it. He was the voice of the people in this languid existence where Parisians waited obsessively for the one weekly arrival of food trucks from the German troops. Sartre and de Beauvoir would live on a diet of rabbits sent to them from a friend in Anjou (45).
In his essay “Paris under the Occupation”, Sartre wrote that the “correct” behavior of the Germans had entrapped too many Parisians into complicity with the Occupation, leading them to accept what was unnatural as natural.
The Germans did not stride, revolver in hand, through the streets. They did not force civilians to make way for them on the pavement. They would offer seats to old ladies on the Metro. They showed great fondness for children and would pat them on the cheek. They had been told to behave correctly and be well-disciplined, they tried shyly and conscientiously to do so. Some of them even displayed a naive kindness which could find no practical expression (127).
Sartre wrote two of his most significant works during the Occupation: Les Mouches (1943) and Huis clos (1944), one of the first works of French literature that I read. It is amazing that none of his works during this time were censored by the Germans and were published in literary magazines.
When I first read Huis clos (No Exit) in 2004, I was not considering the context of WWII. This chilling story, developed into a play in May 1944, depicts the afterlife in which three deceased characters are punished by being locked in a room together.
According to Sartre, “Hell is other people,” which is the idea of the struggle to see oneself as an object from the perspective of another (Literary France 182). So intriguing. These characters at first are expecting to be physically tortured. After all, they are in Hell with damnation, fire, and eternal misery! However, to their surprise, they are locked in a pleasant room furnished in the style of French “Second Empire” with two other strangers who seem very cordial. It doesn’t take long, however, for them to realize that there is no accident that they have been placed together. On the contrary, they have been placed together to make each other miserable and will become one another’s torturers; a fitting commentary on the French world under German occupation.
After the Liberation of Paris in 1944, Sartre and several colleagues founded the journal Les Temps modernes to redefine what it meant to be a writer and to counter French literary culture and the traditions of the bourgeoisie. Les Temps contained “trinkets of sonorous inanity” while living within twin ideologies of aestheticism and scientism, according to Sartre (176). Many have criticized Sartre’s role as a writer during the Occupation instead of resisting the enemy. Camus defended his friend, stating, “Sartre was a writer who resisted, not a resister who wrote (Literary 151).”
In order for Sartre to become a new writer after the war, he had to destroy the old ways of harsh criticism of French literature. Sartre now must practice a literature that long ago, before the hardships of war, declared its mission: to live in a culture that no longer compelled belief. The previous credo of Victor Hugo , “words are the Word, and the Word is God,” no longer applies.
Sartre would now wrestle with the questions: “What then is literature?”; “What is writing?”; “Why write and for whom? Great questions! Shouldn’t we, as bloggers, ask these questions before every post? [see my posts on Sartre’s What is Literature] .
In What is Literature, Sartre addresses the question “For Whom does one Write” following his experiences of living in Paris during the Occupation:
“People of the same period and community, who have lived through the same events, who have raised or avoided the same questions, have the same taste in their mouth; they have the same complicity and there are the same corpses among them. That is why it is not necessary to write so much; there are key-words.
If I were to tell an American audience about the German occupation, there would be a great deal of analysis and precaution. I would waste 20 pages in dispelling preconceptions, prejudices and legends…I would have to look for images and symbols in American history which would enable them to understand ours (What is Literature 71).”
Sartre’s freedom to answer these questions came at the cost of the blood and sacrifice of the young men in World War II, including Robert Crane, my Dad, who faced down evil in its tracks.
Works Cited
Priscilla Parkhurst Clark. Literary France. Oxford Press. 1987.
Ian Ousby. Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944. New York: Cooper Square Press. 2000.
This book is a fascinating narration and analysis of the 1940-44 Nazi Occupation of France, which I set out to explore after reading two novels set during this period: the sad and wonderful Suite Française and the Pulitzer Prize-winning All the Light We Cannot See. In this book you learn about what Germany sought to accomplish through the Occupation and how the French government came to agree to it. You learn about what daily life was like for French citizens and about why some of them became “collabos” while others, through gestures grand or small, became résistants. You learn about the unspeakable treatment of French Jews in particular, not only by the Nazis but by the occupiers’ compliant French partners as well. You learn about how de Gaulle and the Allies finally ended the Occupation and about the rough efforts made to bring collaborators to justice after the Liberation. After reading the book you understand why to this day the Occupation is a source of shame as well as sadness for France.
I found the book eminently readable. It is in the middle of a spectrum running from very academic to very popular – for me, the sweet spot. It is not loaded with pedantic detail and dry analysis but at the same time is sober and well researched. The author was not a professional historian but rather a professor of literature (which must be why the book is so well written). Alas, he died, at a fairly young age, not long after Occupation was published. I wish he had lived to write more history books. (He did also write one about Verdun in World War I, as well as a couple of books about mysteries and literature.)
If this book sounds interesting, you should also take a look at Suite Française and All the Light We Cannot See and watch The Sorrow and the Pity and perhaps also Louis Malle’s Lacombe, Lucien (with a screenplay by Patrick Modiano).
I found Ousby to be a skilled historian and engaging writer. "Occupation" exposes the precarious situation of the Vichy regime and depicts the hardships of living under harsh military occupation.
A psychological evaluation and moral judgment by a perceptive British historian, not a detailed accounting of the Occupation regime as such, Ousby nevertheless gives a comprehensive look at the quality of French life under Nazi rule. Thanks to his incisive questioning of stereotypes he peels away the layers of what collaboration and resistance meant in real terms, finding that an individual could represent both, especially in the muddied moral terrain of Vichy. Is a Parisian who defies the Nazi dress code on the Champs Elysee the equivalent of a maquisard risking death, pistol in hand? A hungry mother selling herself to German soldiers the equivalent of a milicien torturing that same maquisard in prison? Ousby doesn't accuse directly, but he demands the reader follow him down the dark lanes of choice open under Nazi rule - a regime dedicated to destroying the freedom and very ability to choose.
Probably most damaging is his view of DeGaulle as spokesman for all "the French," in a grand gesture of conciliation that ultimately mocked both the sacrifices of the Resistance and the opportunism of the "collabos." The current US scorn of France as a nation of "surrender monkeys" turns DeGaulle's attempt on its head, reopening these wounds. The surrender of 1940 belies such shallowness: was half a loaf not better than no bread at all and no roof under which to eat it? Germany compromised as well, in treating the French as a "civilized enemy," as opposed to Poland or Russia.
Yet the French Resistance also defies the American prejudice. Jean Moulin would have regarded such opinionated Americans as no better than Nazi collaborators, seeming to justify German rule over a nation of bon vivants dancing on their own graves. If the Anglo-American allies supplied the real muscle power of liberation, its spirit remained French. Yet the Occupation years raise a specter that America has never faced outside of the Southern states after its own civil war. Robert E. Lee was no "surrender monkey"; the Ku Klux Klan has not survived as a heroic resistance.
For anyone who, like me, has travelled in France since childhood Ian Ousby's account of the Occupation is a must-read.
British kids of a certain age grew up with some very blinkered myths handed down by their parents about France under the Nazis. Which in turn were fostered by wartime British propaganda for the Home Front, plus stories from returned soldiers.
The key myth of course was that the heroic French Resistance had ' liberated France'.
Ousby's book covers all aspects of a dark time for the French people and is unflinching in its examination of the extent to which a large proportion of the French population was complicit in collaborating with the Occupation.
Equally he reveals the impact of both the forced labour scheme and the sytematic looting of France by the German occupation forces.
The author is English. I’m pretty sure he establishes that in the first sentence of the book. And then he proceeds the throw in phrases that are in French in practically every paragraph as if to demonstrate his knowledge of, and fluency in, French. Sometimes he translates them into English and the rest of the time he doesn’t, as if we should just know what the hell he just said, means. It’s annoying as hell and detracted from an otherwise outstanding history lesson.
In a very literate writing style, without going into intricate details, Ousby presents a good picture of the complex issues of the German occupation of France.
Excellent short history of the defeat, occupation and liberation of France. Ousby chronicles both the politics (Vichy government, Petain, De Gaulle, etc) and the various factions/types of resistance (urban, country, communist, maquisards, etc). The romanticized versions you see in most WW2 movies leave out the difficult and complicated truths. It's hard to understand the French without knowing this story.
The story of the French under German occupation is one well worth a good book. That book is not this one. Scattered and disorganized, devoid of any human element, this book commits the cardinal sin of telling history: it fails to make us care, relegating the story to facts and figures stripped of any emotional context. A laborious read.
the story of the nazi occupation of france is not all about resistance but about the daily struggle to preserve normality. couldn't help but think about us occupation of iraq, where resistance is much fiercer and the occupiers are much less welcome. damn.
On the plus side, remarkably balanced in its portrayal of the politicians and fighters; on the minus side, far too focused on the politicians and fighters