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Mussolini
Bosworth's Mussolini allows us to come closer than ever before to an understanding of the life and actions of the dictator and of the political world and society within which he operated. This biography paints a picture of brutality and failure in governance with insight into Mussolini as a human being shaped by the particular patterns of Italian society which were so vastly different from Axis partners Germany and Japan.
Mussolini was a brutal tyrant who added untold numbers to the dead of war torn Europe but we cannot understand his regime by equating it with Hitler or Stalin. His life began modestly in the provinces and he maintained a traditional family life for a man of his time including both a wife and mistresses. He sought in his way to be an intellectual but was capable of cruelty and was a racist with the consistency and vigor which would have made him a good recruit for the SS. He sought an empire but, for the most part, was more of an old-fashioned nineteenth century despot not a racial or ideological imperium.
His end came in 1945 in the closing days of World War II. Disguised in German greatcoat and helmet, Mussolini attempted to escape from the advancing Allied armies but was stopped by partisans who recognized his features, made so familiar by Fascist propaganda which eventually gave him away, and within 24 hours he was publicly executed.
Mussolini was a brutal tyrant who added untold numbers to the dead of war torn Europe but we cannot understand his regime by equating it with Hitler or Stalin. His life began modestly in the provinces and he maintained a traditional family life for a man of his time including both a wife and mistresses. He sought in his way to be an intellectual but was capable of cruelty and was a racist with the consistency and vigor which would have made him a good recruit for the SS. He sought an empire but, for the most part, was more of an old-fashioned nineteenth century despot not a racial or ideological imperium.
His end came in 1945 in the closing days of World War II. Disguised in German greatcoat and helmet, Mussolini attempted to escape from the advancing Allied armies but was stopped by partisans who recognized his features, made so familiar by Fascist propaganda which eventually gave him away, and within 24 hours he was publicly executed.
584 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2002
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951 people want to read
About the author
Richard J.B. Bosworth
21 books22 followersA leading expert on modern Italian history, Richard James Boon Bosworth is Emeritus Fellow at Jesus College, Oxford University. He earned a BA and an Hons. MA at the University of Sydney and a PhD at St John’s College, Cambridge. He taught at the University of Sydney from 1969 to 1986, the University of Western Australia from 1987 to 2011 and Reading University from 2007-2011. Bosworth has also been a Visiting Fellow at St. John’s College and Clare Hall, Cambridge, Balliol and All Souls Colleges in Oxford, as well as a Visiting Professor at Trento University in Italy.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 41 reviews
September 27, 2019
Very detailed and comprehensive biography of the dictator, displaying him as a rather ordinary man, mirroring all the characterics of the average Italian. Not a really strong man at all, contrary to what propaganda wanted people to believe. He was often indecisive, withdrawn, suffered from stomach aches and depression. Still, he became responsible for the death of about a million people amongst which a lot of his connationals and Jews. In the end he has turned out to be total failure in all aspects, contrary to what some legends want you to believe.
February 3, 2011
Mussolini has always been a puzzle for me and after reading this book he remains a puzzle. This is not the fault of the author but of the man who seems to have been a puzzle to himself.
Mussolini was an arrogant pseudo-intellectual who employed demagoguery and flattery to obtain and keep power. Once he had it, though, he was in way over his head.
Bosworth does a good job describing how Italy ended up in the miserable situation of aiding Nazi Germany. The Fascists were by no means natural allies to the Nazis (indeed, nationalism alone should have driven them apart) but Mussolini's idiotic foreign policy of 19th century imperialism isolated Italy from potential allies like France or Great Britain. Bosworth also does a wonderful job describing how poorly Mussolini read the situation, thinking Germany might seek peace with Stalin to fight the West!
There are a few drawbacks to this book. Many characters come in and out without us ever getting to know them. Perhaps not Bosworth's fault; we know about Himmler, Goering, and Goebbels because we focus so much on Nazi Germany, and giving a similar account to all of these important secondary characters would greatly increase this already not small book. Nevertheless, it is hard to follow people we do not know or care about.
Bosworth seems to dislike how history has treated Mussolini as a joke, but his own book seems to confirm it. The random shot at capitalism and advertising at the end doesn't fit in well.
Mussolini may have been impressed with Plato's Republic, a beautiful totalitarian state. He should have focused on Socrates' message concerning the human soul, however. I almost feel bad for him after reading this book. Not that I wish he would've achieved his goals, but the man was pathetic, a point all the more poignant next to the myth of il Duce.
Mussolini was an arrogant pseudo-intellectual who employed demagoguery and flattery to obtain and keep power. Once he had it, though, he was in way over his head.
Bosworth does a good job describing how Italy ended up in the miserable situation of aiding Nazi Germany. The Fascists were by no means natural allies to the Nazis (indeed, nationalism alone should have driven them apart) but Mussolini's idiotic foreign policy of 19th century imperialism isolated Italy from potential allies like France or Great Britain. Bosworth also does a wonderful job describing how poorly Mussolini read the situation, thinking Germany might seek peace with Stalin to fight the West!
There are a few drawbacks to this book. Many characters come in and out without us ever getting to know them. Perhaps not Bosworth's fault; we know about Himmler, Goering, and Goebbels because we focus so much on Nazi Germany, and giving a similar account to all of these important secondary characters would greatly increase this already not small book. Nevertheless, it is hard to follow people we do not know or care about.
Bosworth seems to dislike how history has treated Mussolini as a joke, but his own book seems to confirm it. The random shot at capitalism and advertising at the end doesn't fit in well.
Mussolini may have been impressed with Plato's Republic, a beautiful totalitarian state. He should have focused on Socrates' message concerning the human soul, however. I almost feel bad for him after reading this book. Not that I wish he would've achieved his goals, but the man was pathetic, a point all the more poignant next to the myth of il Duce.
August 12, 2022
Given its marquee association with the Nazi Party, it can be easy to overlook that fascism began not in Germany during the 1930s but in Italy a decade beforehand. It was there in the aftermath of the First World War that a group of disaffected nationalists opposed to both the discredited Liberal regime and the surging socialist movement gained power, imposing a one-party rule that would last until 1943. And at the head of this government was Benito Mussolini, an ex-Socialist and army veteran who as the self-styled Duce of the Fascist Party dominated Italian politics for nearly a quarter of a century, playing a central role in events form the early 1920s until the end of the Second World War in Europe.
Mussolini’s prominence in such pivotal historical events has ensured him a good deal of attention from historians and biographers, giving readers interested in learning about his life a range of approaches and perspectives from which to choose. Among the best of these options is Richard Bosworth’s study of Mussolini and his time. In it he sifts through the propaganda-fueled myths and anti-fascist criticisms to provide an account of his controversial subject that examines critically his political views, the nature of his regime, and his responsibility for the decisions that brought Italy to ruin in the 1940s. It’s one that favors analysis over description, which its key to its value as a work on its subject.
This focus becomes apparent in the early chapters, in which Bosworth describes Mussolini’s childhood and education within the context of the times. Growing up in the Romagna, young Benito was raised in a crowded household. Seeking to avoid his country’s mandatory military service, he emigrated to Switzerland, where he worked odd jobs in construction before taking advantage of a general amnesty for draft dodgers. Though Mussolini was qualified as a schoolteacher it was politics which engaged his interest, and he had established himself as an activist and newspaper for the socialist cause in the years leading up to the First World War.
The war in Europe precipitated Mussolini’s break with the socialist cause. While most Italian socialists opposed the war, as the editor of the Socialist newspaper Avanti!, Mussolini soon came out in favor of Italian intervention. Expelled from the Socialist Party, Mussolini soon embraced other heretical ideas, and when Italy joined the war in 1915 Mussolini soon enlisted for the fight. Bosworth’s coverage of Mussolini’s wartime service is disappointingly thin, as he focuses more on Mussolini’s political evolution during this period rather than on his activities in uniform. It’s a choice that embodies both the strengths and weaknesses of Bosworth’s approach to covering his subject’s life.
In some ways Mussolini’s nationalistic disaffection with the socialists’ opposition to the war anticipated the general malaise effecting postwar Italian politics. In this respect he and the fascist movement were ideally positioned, combining as they did the rejection of both the status quo of Liberalism and the socialist alterative. Yet Bosworth stresses the continuities between the fascist regime and its predecessors. For all of his revolutionary talk, Mussolini did little to disrupt the underlying status quo of power, relying on similar systems of clientage and patronage that has characterized Italian politics for decades. Though fascists now dominated Italian government, their rule proved far less vicious than those who were inspired by Mussolini’s example to establish similar regimes throughout Europe.
In part because of this, Mussolini soon found himself struggling to maintain his position at the forefront of European politics. Initially as willing to conform to the international status quo as he was the domestic one, the unraveling of the Versailles settlement created opportunities too tempting to resist. Realizing them increasingly tied Mussolini’s regime to Nazi Germany, which soon reduced Italy to the status of a junior partner. The even more ill-advised decision to join the Second Word War on Hitler’s side soon exposed the hollowness of the Italian military and the superficiality of the changes the fascists had wrought on Italy. By the time he was dismissed as prime minister Mussolini was a rapidly aging shell of his former self, soon to become little more than a figurehead for a war that would only bring further misery to the country he had once governed.
As a prominent scholar of modern Italy, Bosworth brings a social historian’s perspective to understanding Mussolini and his legacy. This proves a valuable asset in describing his subject’s background and the broader effects of his regime, as context and consequence are never far from his consideration. Yet Bosworth often takes his readers’ familiarity with Italian history and the fascist movement for granted, leading him to gloss over the background to the events he covers. Often key personalities are introduced by their last names only, with their roles and importance only hinted at. Not only can this blunt the point that Bosworth is making, it unnecessarily limits the audience for his book. This is particularly unfortunate, for while some may get lost in the flurry of names and passing references to other events in Italian history, those who persist will benefit enormously from Bosworth’s sharp analysis and persuasive assessment of his subject. While this may not be a biography of Mussolini for beginners, it is one no English-language reader who wishes to understand him can ignore.
Mussolini’s prominence in such pivotal historical events has ensured him a good deal of attention from historians and biographers, giving readers interested in learning about his life a range of approaches and perspectives from which to choose. Among the best of these options is Richard Bosworth’s study of Mussolini and his time. In it he sifts through the propaganda-fueled myths and anti-fascist criticisms to provide an account of his controversial subject that examines critically his political views, the nature of his regime, and his responsibility for the decisions that brought Italy to ruin in the 1940s. It’s one that favors analysis over description, which its key to its value as a work on its subject.
This focus becomes apparent in the early chapters, in which Bosworth describes Mussolini’s childhood and education within the context of the times. Growing up in the Romagna, young Benito was raised in a crowded household. Seeking to avoid his country’s mandatory military service, he emigrated to Switzerland, where he worked odd jobs in construction before taking advantage of a general amnesty for draft dodgers. Though Mussolini was qualified as a schoolteacher it was politics which engaged his interest, and he had established himself as an activist and newspaper for the socialist cause in the years leading up to the First World War.
The war in Europe precipitated Mussolini’s break with the socialist cause. While most Italian socialists opposed the war, as the editor of the Socialist newspaper Avanti!, Mussolini soon came out in favor of Italian intervention. Expelled from the Socialist Party, Mussolini soon embraced other heretical ideas, and when Italy joined the war in 1915 Mussolini soon enlisted for the fight. Bosworth’s coverage of Mussolini’s wartime service is disappointingly thin, as he focuses more on Mussolini’s political evolution during this period rather than on his activities in uniform. It’s a choice that embodies both the strengths and weaknesses of Bosworth’s approach to covering his subject’s life.
In some ways Mussolini’s nationalistic disaffection with the socialists’ opposition to the war anticipated the general malaise effecting postwar Italian politics. In this respect he and the fascist movement were ideally positioned, combining as they did the rejection of both the status quo of Liberalism and the socialist alterative. Yet Bosworth stresses the continuities between the fascist regime and its predecessors. For all of his revolutionary talk, Mussolini did little to disrupt the underlying status quo of power, relying on similar systems of clientage and patronage that has characterized Italian politics for decades. Though fascists now dominated Italian government, their rule proved far less vicious than those who were inspired by Mussolini’s example to establish similar regimes throughout Europe.
In part because of this, Mussolini soon found himself struggling to maintain his position at the forefront of European politics. Initially as willing to conform to the international status quo as he was the domestic one, the unraveling of the Versailles settlement created opportunities too tempting to resist. Realizing them increasingly tied Mussolini’s regime to Nazi Germany, which soon reduced Italy to the status of a junior partner. The even more ill-advised decision to join the Second Word War on Hitler’s side soon exposed the hollowness of the Italian military and the superficiality of the changes the fascists had wrought on Italy. By the time he was dismissed as prime minister Mussolini was a rapidly aging shell of his former self, soon to become little more than a figurehead for a war that would only bring further misery to the country he had once governed.
As a prominent scholar of modern Italy, Bosworth brings a social historian’s perspective to understanding Mussolini and his legacy. This proves a valuable asset in describing his subject’s background and the broader effects of his regime, as context and consequence are never far from his consideration. Yet Bosworth often takes his readers’ familiarity with Italian history and the fascist movement for granted, leading him to gloss over the background to the events he covers. Often key personalities are introduced by their last names only, with their roles and importance only hinted at. Not only can this blunt the point that Bosworth is making, it unnecessarily limits the audience for his book. This is particularly unfortunate, for while some may get lost in the flurry of names and passing references to other events in Italian history, those who persist will benefit enormously from Bosworth’s sharp analysis and persuasive assessment of his subject. While this may not be a biography of Mussolini for beginners, it is one no English-language reader who wishes to understand him can ignore.
November 12, 2014
This is a complex book about a complex man who ultimately wound up on the losing side of history. He had a Jewish mistress and yet drifted into an Alliance with Hitler. He was an atheist and yet reached a deal with the Pope whereby the Roman Catholic Church acquired a state in exchange for end to the catholic boycott of elections. He was by instincts in favour of the rights of the working man yet progressively became closer to Italy's large industrialists. He was an intellectual who wrote books and a thug who assassinated his enemies. All in all, this book is tremendous fun to read.
July 10, 2013
I've wanted to read a biography of Mussolini for a while, and this one is very good. A reviewer quote on the cover describes it as "lucid, elegant, and a pleasure to read," and I'd have to agree. It's somewhat more "literary" than some biographies, and as a result doesn't always cover the historical context as well as one might like: the author's description of the March on Rome, for example, is extremely brief despite it's significance for Mussolini's rise. In this way it's not like many Hitler biographies (for example Hitler or Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives) which are as much about events as personality. One also has to get past the author's repetition of words like "euphonious" and "lucubrations", which get tiresome after a while. Having said all that, this is an excellent biography, full of insight and pointers to other sources (with over 80 pages of footnotes), and is a good overview to the career of someone often written off too quickly.
February 6, 2025
Of all the key players in the war, I wanted to learn more about the one I knew the least — Mussolini.
Much like China today or Japan in the 70s, commentators saw Italy as a coming force to be reckoned with in the interwar period, even if they were still considered “the least of the great powers.” Unfortunately for them, and fortunately for the rest of the world, Italy utterly “failed” this defining test — winning scarcely a battle and exiting the war as soon as they faced any real fighting. (If you think I’m exaggerating look up battles won by Italy in WW2 on Wikipedia)
However, what was most notable for me was the takeaway that some things are worse than “failing” the test of war. As the author notes, did the peoples of Germany or Japan gain anything except more suffering through their unyielding commitment and sacrifice for “the cause”? Military historians love to celebrate victory and lament cowardice, without ever considering whether the cause was worth fighting and dying for in the first place. The Italians may not have been the best warriors, but why would you die for Ethiopia when you can live in Tuscany?
Slog of a first read of 2025 but I’m glad I finished it.
Much like China today or Japan in the 70s, commentators saw Italy as a coming force to be reckoned with in the interwar period, even if they were still considered “the least of the great powers.” Unfortunately for them, and fortunately for the rest of the world, Italy utterly “failed” this defining test — winning scarcely a battle and exiting the war as soon as they faced any real fighting. (If you think I’m exaggerating look up battles won by Italy in WW2 on Wikipedia)
However, what was most notable for me was the takeaway that some things are worse than “failing” the test of war. As the author notes, did the peoples of Germany or Japan gain anything except more suffering through their unyielding commitment and sacrifice for “the cause”? Military historians love to celebrate victory and lament cowardice, without ever considering whether the cause was worth fighting and dying for in the first place. The Italians may not have been the best warriors, but why would you die for Ethiopia when you can live in Tuscany?
Slog of a first read of 2025 but I’m glad I finished it.
October 2, 2018
This is both a great book and a book that was, in one way, not for me. I picked it up because I knew almost nothing about Mussolini other than as a small footnote that Benito was Hitler's junior partner in WW2. I read a good review of this book, so I picked it up to fill those holes in my historical knowledge. The problem with the book is that it is too comprehensive. Starting, as I was, with very little knowledge of Italian history, it was a bit overwhelming. Unlike the cast of characters in Hitler's inner circle, I knew none of the names from Mussolini's government other than M himself. Because I started from nothing I quickly became overwhelmed with information. I did learn a lot from the book, but it probably would have worked better if I at least had a broad outline in my mind about the late 19th to mid-20th century in Italy. A detailed history like this book is great to fill in gaps. But when just about all I had were gaps, I felt like I was getting less out of the book than I could have.
July 23, 2025
I highly recommend this book! My only complaint is that I wish certain parts had described the war in a little bit more detail. However, the minute details of the war are negligible. It does cover Mussolini‘s reactions (diaries, interviews, speeches, meetings, etc) to almost everything which gives lots of insight into Il Duce’s psyche.
June 21, 2009
A recent visit to Milan just exposed how little I knew about Il Duce. In the past I’ve studied the Second World War, but The Third Reich and Hitler are by far the dominant presence in most books, with Mussolini and Italy just a side note.
RJB Bosworth's one volume biography is extraordinary in its clarity. It examines Benito's life and actions not only in the context of the tumultuous world around him, but what went before and what emerged afterwards. Mussolini with after all trying to create a new form of government (fascist and totalitarian), and what this book makes clear is - for all the fleeting successes - how absolutely he failed.
Of course when Hitler arrives in the narrative his actions do dominate it, and by the Second World War Mussolini is very much a side note in this story he helped to create. But even before then Bosworth makes a great case that Benito was never really in control of his own people, his country, or indeed his cabinet. Indeed despite all his rhetoric and trappings of power, despite diligently going through his government documents (in the exact way that most dictators don't) Mussolini was never totally charge of his totalitarian regime.
In a text like this there are always great little details - Italy banning handshakes (an edict which Il Duce himself ignored), Mussolini trying to ban Christmas and the great image of his younger son (who I can remember being interviewed on TV back in the day) refusing to stop playing boogie-woogie piano even though it annoyed his father's Nazi guests. There are perhaps more references to Australia than you'd expect in a book about an Italian dictator, but maybe if the author hadn't mentioned that he was Australian at the start I wouldn't have noticed.
Bosworth states in his preface that he believes Benito Mussolini was a bully and a coward, but what is clear from this brilliant book is just how ineffectual a dictator he really was.
RJB Bosworth's one volume biography is extraordinary in its clarity. It examines Benito's life and actions not only in the context of the tumultuous world around him, but what went before and what emerged afterwards. Mussolini with after all trying to create a new form of government (fascist and totalitarian), and what this book makes clear is - for all the fleeting successes - how absolutely he failed.
Of course when Hitler arrives in the narrative his actions do dominate it, and by the Second World War Mussolini is very much a side note in this story he helped to create. But even before then Bosworth makes a great case that Benito was never really in control of his own people, his country, or indeed his cabinet. Indeed despite all his rhetoric and trappings of power, despite diligently going through his government documents (in the exact way that most dictators don't) Mussolini was never totally charge of his totalitarian regime.
In a text like this there are always great little details - Italy banning handshakes (an edict which Il Duce himself ignored), Mussolini trying to ban Christmas and the great image of his younger son (who I can remember being interviewed on TV back in the day) refusing to stop playing boogie-woogie piano even though it annoyed his father's Nazi guests. There are perhaps more references to Australia than you'd expect in a book about an Italian dictator, but maybe if the author hadn't mentioned that he was Australian at the start I wouldn't have noticed.
Bosworth states in his preface that he believes Benito Mussolini was a bully and a coward, but what is clear from this brilliant book is just how ineffectual a dictator he really was.
August 9, 2021
Informative at times; dry always.
While it is fine for an author to have a subjective opinion (which is not surprising when the subject concerned is a dictator), it is not fine to constantly shove it into the reader's throat. Some of the criticism is obviously justified, but sometimes it is very petty. For example, at some point, he makes fun of Mussolini for using french words when he speaks. His point being that Mussolini is acting pretentiously, yet the author uses french expression trough the book? The book is full of pointless and petty criticism that only deviates the reader from the real crimes of Mussolini.
Richard J.B. Bosworth also commits the historical sin of assuming that the reader has prior knowledge of the history of Italy & its political institution. I never got the feeling that I fully understood the man nor why he proved to be so popular for so long. Nor, do I understand much more fascism from this reading.
His prose is very dry and the fact that he constantly changes the subject without solid reason only makes the reading more painful than it needs to be. For some reason, he also chose to start the book by telling the story of the execution of Mussolini without really explain why it was relevant or by making it an engaging introduction to the subject.
While I haven't read other biographies on the subject I would probably recommend reading about Mussolini from a different historian like Christopher Hibbert or Pierre Milza if you can read French.
While it is fine for an author to have a subjective opinion (which is not surprising when the subject concerned is a dictator), it is not fine to constantly shove it into the reader's throat. Some of the criticism is obviously justified, but sometimes it is very petty. For example, at some point, he makes fun of Mussolini for using french words when he speaks. His point being that Mussolini is acting pretentiously, yet the author uses french expression trough the book? The book is full of pointless and petty criticism that only deviates the reader from the real crimes of Mussolini.
Richard J.B. Bosworth also commits the historical sin of assuming that the reader has prior knowledge of the history of Italy & its political institution. I never got the feeling that I fully understood the man nor why he proved to be so popular for so long. Nor, do I understand much more fascism from this reading.
His prose is very dry and the fact that he constantly changes the subject without solid reason only makes the reading more painful than it needs to be. For some reason, he also chose to start the book by telling the story of the execution of Mussolini without really explain why it was relevant or by making it an engaging introduction to the subject.
While I haven't read other biographies on the subject I would probably recommend reading about Mussolini from a different historian like Christopher Hibbert or Pierre Milza if you can read French.
September 18, 2025
We close on something of a nostalgic final chapter, brimming with the politics of the 2000s: fascism is utterly dead, ne’er again to rear its lowly head. How surprised might Bosworth be a century since Mussolini’s great leap to find Europe dotted with so many such figures, all of whom waging their own private fascisms. He is perhaps right that Hitler remains the model of fascist ideology – insofar as Hitler’s ideology is clearly describable – and he is right that all modern fascists, even the Italians, deny their being fascists, which is at once a curious and important distinction. This is a new movement that just so happens to follow the old, to which it is (necessarily, so far as politics are concerned) wholeheartedly opposed. But while Hitler is the classic lens (applied and misapplied constantly to all disagreeable types), I suspect it is Mussolini, as described here by Bosworth, who is perhaps the better model. Insofar as Mussolini is not, in fact, ideologically specific; he created an ideology of image, an anti-ideology, by which the actual principle is often hard to detect, whereas the means of its acquisition is obvious. Modern replicants may be slightly more direct, in that they are nominally anti-immigration and pro-nationalist nodules, but outside of these promises they are even more nebulous than even Mussolini’s party. They are not even so bold as to promise a revolution, being that their basis is conservative in the nostalgic mode; perhaps they are therefore severed from Italian Fascism by their believing in no real future. Europe is to be museumed, including its ethnicities, by the great politicians. Meanwhile, economically, the tech barons can be trusted to ensure that time continues to move. What can be admired in the Duce is his ability to provoke a genuine optimism for the New Way; where admiration must crumble is the mystery of what this New Way might precisely consist of. In the event, Fascist Italy is not the dreamworld remembered by so many fascist Italians; it seems – and this is not a statement totally absent of merit – to have been a basically functional state for about a decade, and then one in spiralling decline in the decade to follow. But that the reorganized Italy could exist in a state of relative contentedness and relative contiguity under a completely hollow ideology does imply something about the reality of politics and nationbuilding. Bosworth at one point notes that a nation’s ‘reality’ is tested by war – here we see the thing beneath the veneer. And so Mussolini’s Italy immediately collapses. But I am not necessarily convinced by that test, insofar as I do not believe it is necessary that a nation must endure warfare in order to prove its reality. If it is possible – as it surely is – to guarantee a kind of normative existence on foundations that cannot endure mass murder, perhaps the great imperative is to avoid mass murder at all costs. Unfortunately, this was not a conclusion that Mussolini had sufficiently understood; he believed that there must only be easy wars, but wars nonetheless. Bosworth is certainly a historian of his time: he does not layer in his narrative any imaginative or especially engaging description; he does not endeavour to awaken a sense of 20th century Italy in any manner beyond the facts. His prose, decked with an impressive vocabulary but sometimes awkwardly arranged, keeps solely to the facts; he generally prefers paraphrase to quotation; and he does not much indulge in ‘scenes’ between the Duce and his world. This is unfortunate: while Bosworth does land upon an image of Mussolini, and his general trajectory, which could be described as personal, this is a biography that centres itself very specifically on political lines. We therefore do not encounter so much of the ‘other’ Mussolini as we might desire. What, for instance, were his notes on Plato? That might be of particular interest, particularly in merging the man and his idea. Yet in politics Bosworth is occasionally a little hasty: there is perhaps a presumption of general knowledge that leaves parts of his narrative spotty. For instance, he mentions Liberal Italy’s invasion of Libya, but neglects to mention its success (or aftereffects) until much later, in passing. I also found the establishment of the RSI to be vague in detail (and, indeed, many of the consequential turns in Mussolini’s political career perhaps lack some procedural vigour), perhaps not helped by Bosworth’s decision to open his narrative with Mussolini’s final years, and not recapitulate any of that detail as we pass by in the general chronology. But there is something to be said for Bosworth’s succinct and capsulated style; the changes I advocate for would fatten the book, and risk losing what is a relatively even keel between the man and his nation. I am aware Bosworth has written an accompanying text on Fascist Italy, which likely plugs many of the holes I note. But perhaps makes all the greater the shame of not seeing into Mussolini’s personal existence more fully, given such detail will certainly not be treated there. But a personal account is nonetheless provided. Bosworth’s emphasis appears to land on vacuity, and even sadness. Mussolini’s final decade is not merely a failure of his ‘grift’, but a self-conscious realization that it was, quite beyond Mussolini’s intention, just that. His upward motion was marked by such swift and clever manoeuvres, and his victory so singular and complete, that it was only in an equally vertiginous drop that Mussolini quite realized he was, and had always been, standing on air. He himself remarked that the problem with a revolution was that, thereafter, one had to deal with the revolutionaries. He failed to realize that he, and the revolution he personified, came under the same category.
April 30, 2015
It certainly appears definitive, but also rather disappointing, perhaps because Mussolini turns out to be not nearly as dramatic a figure as he presented to the world stage. Bosworth presents him as kind of a failed intellectual, little brother to Hitler, who resigned himself to joining WWII. He does not come across in the same league as the dictators he is often mentioned with. This is an extremely balanced view of what seems to be a rather misunderstood figure.
The book fails at times to remain interesting, and it gets lost in the details (a common issue among biographies). I hope that when joined with Bosworth's other book on Mussolini's time, the full period is better fleshed out.
The book fails at times to remain interesting, and it gets lost in the details (a common issue among biographies). I hope that when joined with Bosworth's other book on Mussolini's time, the full period is better fleshed out.
April 18, 2015
I knew little about Mussolini but was interested in making him come alive after reading the wonderful book, "European Journey" by Philip Gibbs. This book paints a complex portrait, a person I could recognize, fully human, with deep and dark passions that could be channeled to achieve his dreams of relevance in a world where nations could be still be moved toward one of the great ideologies. This book allows you to see the "Duce" as Italy saw him, but to also see the doubts, fears, confusion and vulnerability behind the scenes.
March 2, 2019
Although dry and wordy, this biography presents a balanced view of Mussolini, father of fascism, who had big plans but failed to achieve any of them. Bosworth presents Mussolini as a leader who had plenty of style but no substance, rising to power due to his immense charisma but losing everything as a result of his association with Hitler - which came about not because Mussolini supported the Nazis’ villainy, but simply because Italy was too weak to resist its more powerful neighbour.
April 27, 2014
Sadly, the author of the book is greatly biased in narrating the story of Mussolini. In every chapter he shifts from the main idea and moves to talking about topics that have no relation with the chapter other than to create and nourish this biased image of the Duce that he wants us to know of.
February 12, 2020
Definitely the definitive biography on a man whom I knew very little about, considering World War 2 is more or less my subject. Out of Hitler and Mussolini, I would definitely say that Mussolini was the better educated and was the more decorated soldier of World War 1. Though both came to power in their respective countries, Mussolini was a saint compared to Hitler with regards to the non Aryan race.
This biography details the life of the Duce, though oddly the first chapter is about his capture, death and humiliation in a Milan Square, the rest of the book follows the course of his life, from his birth through to his first downfall, the book ends with what Italy was like, politically until what is now a decade ago, finishing with another Fascist, Berlusconi who was like the Duce but in a far less bad way.
A scene in the book has Mussolini together with a partner playing tennis alongside a top athlete from Rome and a member of the Italian football team. The way Italy was regarded as a weak nation compared to the industrial nations such as the French, Germans and the British, in the war this was definitely the case. A relation saw Italians running when Monty started pounding their positions, yet when they were on the Allied side, he remembers nothing but bravery from them. It also pays people to remember that Italy were the first European football team to win the World Cup in 1934, a feat not matched by West Germany until 1954 with further wins in 1974, 1990 and as a United nation in 2016, this goes with appearances in the final in 1966, 1982, 1986 and 2002, England in 1966, France in 1998 and 2018 with a final appearance in 2006, and Spain in 2010. Italy were also the first team and thus far only European team to retain the trophy in 1938 after winning it for the first time, Brazil in 1962 is the only exception after winning it for the first time in 1958. Italy have since won it in 1982 and 2006 with a final appearance in 1970 and a third place in 1990. So some small countries are big in many capacities, like the Mini in the UK and the Beetle in Germany, you still see the Fiat 500 in Italy, it is one of their legacies. Italy has some of the most amazing cities, Rome Milan Florence, it's mountain region is second to none. It is home to some of the most famous monasteries.
I read the book in around 8 weeks, quite a while for me, but it was full of information I didn't yet know. Having read the author's book about what life was like under Mussolini, it only seemed natural to follow it up with a biography of the Duce. I don't think I couldn't have made a better choice.
This biography details the life of the Duce, though oddly the first chapter is about his capture, death and humiliation in a Milan Square, the rest of the book follows the course of his life, from his birth through to his first downfall, the book ends with what Italy was like, politically until what is now a decade ago, finishing with another Fascist, Berlusconi who was like the Duce but in a far less bad way.
A scene in the book has Mussolini together with a partner playing tennis alongside a top athlete from Rome and a member of the Italian football team. The way Italy was regarded as a weak nation compared to the industrial nations such as the French, Germans and the British, in the war this was definitely the case. A relation saw Italians running when Monty started pounding their positions, yet when they were on the Allied side, he remembers nothing but bravery from them. It also pays people to remember that Italy were the first European football team to win the World Cup in 1934, a feat not matched by West Germany until 1954 with further wins in 1974, 1990 and as a United nation in 2016, this goes with appearances in the final in 1966, 1982, 1986 and 2002, England in 1966, France in 1998 and 2018 with a final appearance in 2006, and Spain in 2010. Italy were also the first team and thus far only European team to retain the trophy in 1938 after winning it for the first time, Brazil in 1962 is the only exception after winning it for the first time in 1958. Italy have since won it in 1982 and 2006 with a final appearance in 1970 and a third place in 1990. So some small countries are big in many capacities, like the Mini in the UK and the Beetle in Germany, you still see the Fiat 500 in Italy, it is one of their legacies. Italy has some of the most amazing cities, Rome Milan Florence, it's mountain region is second to none. It is home to some of the most famous monasteries.
I read the book in around 8 weeks, quite a while for me, but it was full of information I didn't yet know. Having read the author's book about what life was like under Mussolini, it only seemed natural to follow it up with a biography of the Duce. I don't think I couldn't have made a better choice.
July 12, 2022
Benito Mussolini was the founder of the Fascist in Italy and was a major player in bringing Italy to WW2.
Mussolini was politically influenced by his father quite early, with a strong-tempered personality, he faced many difficulties on the political path early in his career. Unlike Hilter, Mussolini did not follow any particular political path, he always pursued political hot spots (sometimes anti-socialist, sometimes anti-republican, sometimes anti-war, sometimes pro-war). It was the ambiguity of the course that made Mussolini hated by many politicians of the Parties, but also supported by the proletariat. Since then, the Fascist Party was born with original party members who were former socialists but had a warlike ideology. While he climb his career, Mussolini used the secret police and the Arditi black army (consisting of prisoners or gangsters) to eliminate the opponents. Hitler himself and the Nazi Party of Germany also once admired and learned from Mussolini's form to solve political problems in Germany. However, Mussolini never fully resolved his political opponents, even close people like his son-in-law Ciano also had his own political intrigues that make Mussolini's power divided.
Before Italy entered the war, Mussolini was highly appreciated in the international political playground, he was considered a smart, can-do-business-with man by many ambassadors, prime ministers, and presidents of countries such as Britain-US-France. Contrary to his international success, he was never able to build an Italian army of comparable strength. The Italian army was considered weak, the morale of the Italian soldiers was very low and exhausted after many defeats, while the country was not prepared for a real war and rushed to battle because of the fear that the Germans would take all the glory. That caused Italy and Mussolini to gradually lose their position and be despised by Germany, Mussolini also gradually lost support at home to be overthrown and imprisoned in July 1943. In August 1943, Hitler launched an operation to rescue Mussolini and set up a puppet government in the North. When the Allies invaded Italy in 1945, the Axis forces gradually collapsed, Mussolini, his lover and many officials tried to flee to Switzerland but were captured at the border by the resistance, he was executed on April 28. 1945 and the resistance transferred the body to Milan. Here, his body, his mistress and many others were insulted by the people and hung upside down. This result later influenced Hitler when he chose to commit suicide and demanded that the body be burned.
Personally, I think Mussolini is a charismatic person in the international political arena, he had a great influence on Italy before and during the WW2 war. However, he has never completely solved the internal political problem in the country, although he spent a lot of time on this issue, nor did he focus on building an army for war and then lose his position in the wars against the Allies
Mussolini was politically influenced by his father quite early, with a strong-tempered personality, he faced many difficulties on the political path early in his career. Unlike Hilter, Mussolini did not follow any particular political path, he always pursued political hot spots (sometimes anti-socialist, sometimes anti-republican, sometimes anti-war, sometimes pro-war). It was the ambiguity of the course that made Mussolini hated by many politicians of the Parties, but also supported by the proletariat. Since then, the Fascist Party was born with original party members who were former socialists but had a warlike ideology. While he climb his career, Mussolini used the secret police and the Arditi black army (consisting of prisoners or gangsters) to eliminate the opponents. Hitler himself and the Nazi Party of Germany also once admired and learned from Mussolini's form to solve political problems in Germany. However, Mussolini never fully resolved his political opponents, even close people like his son-in-law Ciano also had his own political intrigues that make Mussolini's power divided.
Before Italy entered the war, Mussolini was highly appreciated in the international political playground, he was considered a smart, can-do-business-with man by many ambassadors, prime ministers, and presidents of countries such as Britain-US-France. Contrary to his international success, he was never able to build an Italian army of comparable strength. The Italian army was considered weak, the morale of the Italian soldiers was very low and exhausted after many defeats, while the country was not prepared for a real war and rushed to battle because of the fear that the Germans would take all the glory. That caused Italy and Mussolini to gradually lose their position and be despised by Germany, Mussolini also gradually lost support at home to be overthrown and imprisoned in July 1943. In August 1943, Hitler launched an operation to rescue Mussolini and set up a puppet government in the North. When the Allies invaded Italy in 1945, the Axis forces gradually collapsed, Mussolini, his lover and many officials tried to flee to Switzerland but were captured at the border by the resistance, he was executed on April 28. 1945 and the resistance transferred the body to Milan. Here, his body, his mistress and many others were insulted by the people and hung upside down. This result later influenced Hitler when he chose to commit suicide and demanded that the body be burned.
Personally, I think Mussolini is a charismatic person in the international political arena, he had a great influence on Italy before and during the WW2 war. However, he has never completely solved the internal political problem in the country, although he spent a lot of time on this issue, nor did he focus on building an army for war and then lose his position in the wars against the Allies
February 14, 2020
Good Grief.
Because of our political climate I wanted a stronger understanding of some political movements in the practical world so I picked Mussolini. This is a massive and sometimes tiresome biography of Mussolini. A man driven by his personal failings and his serious selfishness. He was consistently telling one group of his people one thing while protecting the wealthy he claimed he detested. He could and would not listen to advisers and demanded loyalty. He hated blacks but thought Jews were capable creating wealth so he protected them then he gave them up to protect himself. He couldn’t think things through all on his own, that happens when you think you know it all. He thought Hitler admired him and was crushed when Hitler had to save him from not one but three botched war campaigns. Then the Japs attacked Pearl Harbor everything went tits up. He was a massive misogynist, a racist, an overly confident, opportunistic, cowardly, braggart. Sound familiar?
Now I understand things much better...bring on the coming elections arguments, I’m on!
Because of our political climate I wanted a stronger understanding of some political movements in the practical world so I picked Mussolini. This is a massive and sometimes tiresome biography of Mussolini. A man driven by his personal failings and his serious selfishness. He was consistently telling one group of his people one thing while protecting the wealthy he claimed he detested. He could and would not listen to advisers and demanded loyalty. He hated blacks but thought Jews were capable creating wealth so he protected them then he gave them up to protect himself. He couldn’t think things through all on his own, that happens when you think you know it all. He thought Hitler admired him and was crushed when Hitler had to save him from not one but three botched war campaigns. Then the Japs attacked Pearl Harbor everything went tits up. He was a massive misogynist, a racist, an overly confident, opportunistic, cowardly, braggart. Sound familiar?
Now I understand things much better...bring on the coming elections arguments, I’m on!
August 21, 2025
This is a deeply flawed but fairly gripping biography -- up to a point! -- of one of the worst autocrats in world history. After Mussolini invades Ethiopia in 1937, Bosworth rushes through the next eight years of Benito's life as if he's doing a speed run of Super Mario Brothers for YouTube. And this far more superficial approach (compared to the first 300 pages) is deeply frustrating for those of us who hope to have a portrait of a highly dangerous man in order to fight highly dangerous men in the present. Because Bosworth is very good about showing Mussolini's hunger and boldness as a young journalist (and young fascist and chronic philanderer). He's not so good about demonstrating how Mussolini (who read more than Hitler) arrived at his detestable policy decisions (this is perhaps best epitomized by an aloof series of chapters involving Franco and the Spanish Civil War). I'm obviously going to have to find a better book on Mussolini. Or at least a biography written by someone more invested in care rather than meeting a deadline.
June 8, 2025
Bosworth’s anaemic and dissatisfactory biography Mussolini is deprived of the more crucial elements of the Italian fascist’s story (e.g., failed Greece invasion) in favour of an expansive, but loose discourse about varying features of the Duce . The work lacks an overarching narrative emblematic of a poorly thought-out biography. Bosworth meanders through intricate psychoanalysis of the Duce during his childhood years with dashes of political theory about the Italian fascism vs Nazism and weak commentary about other historical conceptions of Mussolini. I would not recommend reading Mussolini if you want a definitive, esteemable, or strongly insightful account into the side character of WW2.
January 15, 2020
This is my second book by Richard J.B. Bosworth and both have been exceptionally well researched books. The only draw back is the authors use of words that require you have dictionary on hand. It is almost as if he looked for an obscure synonym to use instead of staying with something that everyone knows the meaning of, that along with the constant use of Italian throughout the book instead of using English. These two issues really keep the book from having a smooth flow that would have made the book a real pleasure to read rather than a task and not a pleasant one. I had to spend too much time looking up words that even google in several instances had no reference's for what they meant.
February 19, 2021
This is a well-written and fairly detailed biography of Mussolini that emphasizes his political life, with some bits of his personal life sprinkled in. The final chapter on the afterlife of his cult of personality and Italian "post-fascist" politics is good, if poorly edited. Bosworth writes both drawing from DeFelice's soures and critiquing his apologetic interpretation of Mussolini and Italian fascism more generally. This overall anti-fascist framing, detailed historical research and elegant writing make this an important book, not just for the history of Mussolini and Italian fascism, but for the consideration of how the fascist past is understood in today's politics.
August 18, 2023
Interesting enough to get me at least halfway through, but Bosworth seems to be writing more for academics and Mussolini obsessives than for the general public. After a while it all became a bit much for me, though I did manage to hang in there to his death. (There was way too much of the book remaining after that for my taste.)
May 18, 2018
This is a really excellent biography, and I'm very glad I was forced to read it for university purposes. I never thought that a huge book about Mussolini could be so interesting in a historiographical sense; Bosworth is incredibly attuned to the ways that we understand and evaluate figures like Mussolini as historians (I recommend Bosworth's other book The Italian Dictatorship: Problems & Perspectives in the Interpretation of Mussolini & Fascism for more detail on these topics). But of course the history is fascinating in and of itself. Mussolini's pre-fascist life as a failed bohemian socialist is a sobering story for us all.
January 19, 2025
This was honestly really insightful about the life of Benito Mussolini, and the conditions that facilitated his becoming a political beast.
November 9, 2011
RJ Bosworth makes an interesting attempt at writing a positive biography of Mussolini. This book does a decent job of summarizing parts of the Duce's life but does jump around quite a bit. Many of the things that make this book useful are in relation to how it reacts to other biographies and accounts of Mussolini. Bosworth glazes over many of the foreign policy decisions which are where so many other biographies are highly critical of Mussolini. It is noteworthy to try and write a biography that puts Mussolini in a different light and when combined with Dennis Mack Smith's biography of Mussolini (which is pretty negative) the reader can get a great sense of Mussolini himself. Bosworth is one of the premiere Italian historians and his work is always insightful and well done. The only compliant I have with this book is the jumping around and skipping over areas. The Brenner Pass meeting is not covered in this book and that is one of the pivotal moments in Mussolini's life and Italian history. I still would recommend this book through as long as it is being read with other sources to get a more complete picture.
February 22, 2010
I decided to read this book after a trip to Italy, because I realized I knew nothing about the man (Il Duce) who sparked the Fascist movement and led his country into World War 2 as an Axis power. His charisma and ability to inspire people was unrivaled, and he was admired by Hitler and other leaders long before the Nazis stormed the political scene. However, his vision for Italy was ambiguous and planning was not one of his strong traits. He ultimately led his country to ruin, instead of transforming it into a major European power. I was interested to learn that he was a schoolteacher, a newspaper editor and a fervent socialist before World War 1.
This book is meticulously researched. A bit dry in parts but worth the read, if you have any interest in this tragic dictator.
This book is meticulously researched. A bit dry in parts but worth the read, if you have any interest in this tragic dictator.
December 9, 2012
The book is full of interesting facts and details about the Duce I never knew about. Yet, sometimes the author's narrative is overloaded with details which distract the reader from the main story and require a very good understanding of Italy's history and politics of the time; in other words, Bosworth's book is not self-sufficient to comprehend the Fascist's period in Italy's history. In my opinion, the author's description of the Italian Social Republic (RSI) is extremely short. The book would have been much better had he bothered to write more on that, after all, the RSI was the final straw in dividing the Italians before the final collapse in WWII.
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