A European lately arrived in China, if he is of a receptive and reflective disposition, finds himself confronted with a number of very puzzling questions, for many of which the problems of Western Europe will not have prepared him. Russian problems, it is true, have important affinities with those of China, but they have also important differences; moreover they are decidedly less complex.
Bertrand Arthur William Russell, 3rd Earl Russell, OM, FRS, was a Welsh philosopher, historian, logician, mathematician, advocate for social reform, pacifist, and prominent rationalist. Although he was usually regarded as English, as he spent the majority of his life in England, he was born in Wales, where he also died.
He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1950 "in recognition of his varied and significant writings in which he champions humanitarian ideals and freedom of thought."
The problems facing China in the early 1920’s were many and complex, and philosopher Bertrand Russell drew upon a year-long visit to the country to set forth his impressions regarding those problems and their possible solutions. Reading Russell’s The Problem of China, almost exactly 100 years after the book was first published in 1922, gives the reader an intriguing look at a great mind grappling with massive social and political problems.
Russell’s year-long interlude lecturing on philosophy in China no doubt represented a bit of a relief from the problems that the philosopher had been experiencing in his own life. His tenure at Cambridge University’s Trinity College had undergone a dramatic interruption as a result of Russell’s opposition to British participation in the First World War. Russell’s expression of his pacifist beliefs resulted in his conviction under Great Britain’s “Defence of the Realm” Act of 1914 and his firing from Trinity.
Unbowed by these setbacks, Russell later travelled up to Leeds to attend the “Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Delegates,” a 1917 convention that celebrated the Russians’ February Revolution of that year. Finally, he publicly urged the United States of America not to join the Allied war effort – a stance that earned him six months’ confinement in Brixton Prison. Small wonder that Russell, reinstated at Trinity after the war’s end, sought and received a year’s leave of absence, and spent that year getting as far away from home as possible.
When he arrived in China, Russell found a large country with a vibrant culture and terrible problems. Sun Yat-sen’s ongoing efforts to establish a Republic of China that would extend the benefits of democracy to the entire Chinese nation were being set at naught by the machinations of rival warlords and would-be emperors. At the same time, the Japanese Empire, which had gained influence in Manchuria starting with Japan’s victory over Russia in the war of 1904-05, continued to expand its power and influence in Manchuria and other parts of China; and all the while, various Great Powers sought to grab their share of China’s rich resources, with little apparent concern for how their maneuverings might affect the lives of ordinary Chinese people.
Against that grim backdrop, Russell offers observations and conclusions regarding the “problem of China” that are based in life experience. He recalls that “When I arrived in China, in the autumn of 1920, a large area in the north, owing to drought, was afflicted with a terrible famine” (p. 25). His observations of life in the Treaty Ports of that time, with each port demonstrating vivid contrasts between the Chinese part of town on the one hand and the area of European and American settlement on the other, are detailed and fair-minded. Moreover, for a European writer of that time, they are surprisingly, and encouragingly, sympathetic to the Chinese point of view:
[A]fter the cheerful disordered beauty of the old [Chinese] town, Europe’s ugly cleanliness and Sunday-go-to-meeting decency make a strange complex impression, half-love and half-hate. In the European town one finds safety, spaciousness and hygiene; in the Chinese town, romance, overcrowding, and disease. In spite of my affection for China, these transitions always made me realize that I am a European; for me, the Chinese manner of life would not mean happiness. But after making all necessary deductions for the poverty and the disease, I am inclined to think that Chinese life brings more happiness to the Chinese than English life does to us. (p. 25)
Looking at Japan’s history of imperialist expansion into China, Russell writes perceptively that “the Japanese have two somewhat incompatible ambitions. On the one hand, they wish to pose as the champions of Asia against the oppression of the white man; on the other hand, they wish to be admitted to equality by the white Powers, and to join in the feast obtained by exploiting the nations that are inefficient in homicide” (p. 51). Russell’s words are prophetic regarding the imperial Japanese regime’s determination to expand its power in Manchuria – a process dramatized in Bernardo Bertolucci’s film The Last Emperor (1987) – and his anticipation that Imperial Japan and the United States of America would find themselves in a bitter trans-Pacific rivalry was proven right by the events that unfolded from Pearl Harbor through Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Russell, brilliant as he was, could not be right about everything. He dismissed the possibility of a communist regime taking power in China for reasons that, characteristically, he set forth clearly and with great care:
Bolshevism, as it has developed in Russia, is quite peculiarly inapplicable to China, for the following reasons: (1) It requires a strong centralized State, whereas China has a very weak State, and is tending more and more to federalism instead of centralization; (2) Bolshevism requires a very great deal of government, and more control of individual lives by the authorities than has ever been known before, whereas China has developed personal liberty to an extraordinary degree…; (3) Bolshevism dislikes private trading, which is the breath of life to all Chinese except the literati. For these reasons, it is not likely that Bolshevism as a creed will make much progress in China proper. (pp. 74-75)
History, of course, records that communism made a great deal of progress in China. The Communists won the Chinese civil war in 1949, and the defeated Nationalists took Sun Yat-sen's dream of a democratic Republic of China to the island of Taiwan, where the R.O.C. government continues to this day. Meanwhile, the Communist Party continues to rule in mainland China – though most visitors to contemporary Beijing or Shanghai, seeing Chinese people driving Jaguars and Mercedes-Benzes and shopping at Hermés and Louis Vuitton, would no doubt agree that Chinese communism has changed considerably since the days of Mao Zedong.
But if Russell was not right regarding the prospects for a communist government in China, he was very much right about many other things. At a time when European and American racism against the Chinese was virulent, Russell called for true independence for the Chinese – economic and political independence from Europe, from America, from Japan. He encouraged, with caution, the development of patriotic sentiments among the Chinese, as a necessary precondition to China’s gaining of true independence: “It cannot be too strongly urged that patriotism should be only defensive, not aggressive. But with this proviso, I think a spirit of patriotism is absolutely necessary to the regeneration of China. Independence is to be sought, not as an end in itself, but as a means towards a new blend of Western skills with the traditional Chinese virtues. If this end is not achieved, political independence will have little value” (p. 101).
Today, 98 years after Russell published The Problem of China, his words seem truly prophetic. The pride that many Chinese people feel regarding their country’s increasingly powerful presence on the world stage is evident. The former European colonial possessions of Hong Kong (once British) and Macau (once Portuguese) were returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 and 1999 respectively – both proud moments for China.
At the same time, the aggressive patriotism that Russell hoped not to see in China also sometimes seems evident. The Beijing government’s heavy-handed policies toward Hong Kong – a territory that, as a Special Administrative Region, is supposed to maintain a strong degree of political autonomy until 2047 – have contributed to severe and ongoing civil strife in Hong Kong. Neighbors of China, like Vietnam and the Philippines, have expressed concern regarding aggressive enforcement by the Chinese Navy of what China sees as its maritime boundary rights. And China’s construction of “artificial islands” in the Spratly Islands region of the South China Sea, while advancing Chinese territorial claims, also increases the prospect of confrontation between China and the United States of America; one U.S. Navy admiral has referred to China’s artificial-islands project as an attempt to construct a “Great Wall of Sand.”
Russell, who saw the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 (and urged Western governments to officially recognize the P.R.C.), lived until 1972, and would no doubt observe with interest the changes currently underway in Chinese life. A brilliant philosopher and a perceptive, Nobel Prize-winning writer, he offers the reader much to think about in The Problem of China.
It's interesting to read about someone's views before they happen and then know how their recommendations (opinions) were played out in real history. This book opened my eyes to the history of not just the Chinese and China, but also to Japan and the Japanese. Mr. Russell's opinions were strong on how China could become a strong country and this was before Mao Zedong!
Summary: I see this book roughly as three parts: (1) reviewing the (i) ancient history, (ii) politics [as of 1922] of China and Japan [Japan... owing to the usefulness as a reference], (2) discusses the general character of the Chinese as a civilization and human being, (3) the future of China
China appears to Mr. Russell as a civilization superior in art and culture yet failed in the modern ruler of "progress, efficiency and power" defined by western civilization. Historically, her soft power and geographical isolation enabled her persistence [whereas Egyptian and Babylonian civilization have discontinued] over thousands of years [until contact with the west]. Mr. Russell wishes for an intelligent assimilation of western culture in China that will result in a new superior civilization [that excels in art, science; adopting a new breed of economic system that maximizes enjoyment of life].
Comment: Some of this book is apparently dated. I only skimmed through description of "modern" politics in 1922. The rise of Chinese Communist Party, WWII, technological changes, etc obsolete a significant portion of the writing. However, I do find some of Russell's insights useful. There exists chapters that are less vulnerable to era changes. A 4.5-stars-read in 1922, 3 stars in 2015.
آثار راسل شاید مصداقی از این واقعیت باشند که تار و پود ذهنی که با ریاضیات و فلسفه پروراندهشده، به نظم عمیقی آمیخته میشود که میتواند متونی دقیق و درخور توجه (فارغ از اشتباه و درستبودن نتایج و فرضها) در اختیار مخاطبان خود قرار دهد. نوشتار راسل بهموازات و پابهپای استدلالهایش پیش میرود؛ عاری از هرگونه حشو و زیادهگویی. بههمین جهت، خواندن کتابهایش، لذتبخش و از نظر منطقی آموزندهاست. در مورد نوشتار حاضر باید توجه داشت که اغلب دادهها مربوط به تجربهی شخصی نویسنده بوده و اثر اولین بار در سال ۱۹۲۲ زیر چاپ رفتهاست. بنابراین این کتاب بهنظر من بیشتر از بُعد آشناشدن با توصیف یکی از اندیشمندان خردمند زمانه ارزش دارد و نمیتوان توقع داشت که نقش سند تاریخی یا تحلیل سیاسی را ایفا کند. در آخر اشاره کنم که این نسخه، بهمدد تلاشهای نشر علم و امیر سلطانزاده بهمعنای واقعی کلمه، آشفتهبازاری از اشتباهات ترجمهای، نگارشی و حتی ویراستاری است و مطالعهی آن برای خواننده دشوار و گاهی فهم مطالب آن ناممکن است. بنابراین اگر میتوانید، به نسخههای دیگر مراجعه کنید.
Has surprising relevance in today's global climate. Bertrand Russell, a thinker beyond his time, proves himself once again. A must read for anyone looking to understand a historical perspective and how Mr. Russell's China compares to today's rising Dragon.
As a Chinese living abroad, I find Bertrand’s insights soothing, edifying and motivational. Still amazed by how much he learnt from just one year of stay.
I think this is a valuable book. In this book, which wrote on 1922, China was in unstable politico-social world. Noteworthy, Russell laid a firmly believe in China in account for her lively millennial civilization. Russell goes to-and-fro reflecting the gist of Western, Chinese and also Japanese philosophy of life.
Bertrand Russell's descriptions of China, a summary of the history and culture of China and the context in which it has existed in the world, is clear and truly witty Written in the early 1920s as it was transitioning away from the traditional fractured ruling mechanisms with a loose allegiance to the Emperor who had become more a convenient unifying symbol as opposed to a figure with actual power to govern.
Russell provides a picture of European and American colonialism in China specifically and Asia in general, as well as the roles of Japan and Russia.
Russell describes the competition of the various power groups and individuals competing for total power. Russell sets the groundwork that ultimately allowed Mao to seize power, though does not figure in Bertrand's book.
He brings his socialist eyeglasses to his understanding of the events he describes.
He also brings his delightful and considerable wit to the stories he tells.
This book is a joy and filled in many missing gaps in my knowledge and understanding.
It is also, in the political, economic and military processes he describes, surprisingly current in terms of what is happening in the world today.
Russell admires Chinese civilization, hopes that, as China modernizes, it would combine the technology of the West so its people could live more existentially securely, but keep hat he sees as traditional values that make for a more humane existence for an entire society.
Also — a former student recommended the excellent PBS three part video series, “China, a Century of Revolution” produced by Sue Williams that picks up where Russell's book leaves off.
He brings his socialist eyeglasses to his understanding of the events he describes.
He also brings his delightful and considerable wit to the stories he tells.
This book is a joy and filled in many missing gaps in my knowledge and understanding.
It is also, in the political, economic and military processes he describes, surprisingly current in terms of what is happening in the world today.
Russell admires Chinese civilization, hopes that, as China modernizes, it would combine the technology of the West so its people could live more existentially securely, but keep hat he sees as traditional values that make for a more humane existence for an entire society.
Also - a former student recommended the excellent PBS three part video series, "China, a Century of Revolution" produced by Sue Williams that picks up where Russell's book leaves off.
In this relatively short book, Bertrand Russell expresses his political views regarding China, as the country stood in late 1910’s/early 1920’s.
Bertrand Russell, having had issues in Britain because of his pacifist viewpoints and opposition to fighting in WWI, wrote this book a few years after the war had ended, and the first (European) World War was certainly on his mind at the time of his writing of this book. As much as this is a book about China, it is also a book about Europe (primarily the colonial powers, mainly Britain), America, and Japan, the three powers who had much influence in China at the time. These three countries, along with the Soviet Union, would go on to have the greatest impact on China, as far as foreign influences go, in the following century of China’s history, for different reasons.
Bertrand Russell saw China as having the potential to becoming the second most powerful country in the world after the United States, a prediction that turned out to be true 100 years later. He specifically saw China and Chinese people in general, as being less warlike as a nation as their white Western counterparts, which, given the immediate history of WWI on his mind (and the following wars over the next century, from WWII as well as the Cold War, would go on to prove the truth of, at least for the following century). His essential hope in writing this book, is that while China would undoubtedly develop by learning from the West, that in turn, they don’t pick up the West’s bad habits of militarism and colonialism at the same time. Essentially, he is hoping that a fusion of Chinese culture and Western science/learning at the time would lead to a better culture than what the West at the time was offering. He believed that the West (white European countries + America) had much to learn from China, but that they wouldn’t learn from China since they weren’t open to learning from the country at the time, so he didn’t have much hope in that sense.
With regards fo China, he viewed Japan as China’s most serious threat, with their increased militarism at that time, and their desire to essentially colonize China and to use the nation’s resources for their own benefit. This would prove to be true, less than 20 years later, with WWII, and Japan’s war into China. At the same time, out of the powers involved in China at the time, Russell saw the US in the 1920’s as having the best approach to China, in comparison to Britain and Japan, since they weren’t keen on colonizing the country.
Russell notes the positive influence of Confucianism, mainly in terms of how it compares with other religions, in that it didn’t create a priestly class and it’s mostly a secular ideology. He believes that this may be one of the reasons why China is less violent and more tolerant than other countries, who were influenced by intolerant, fanatical religions (such as the Abrahamic faiths), which don’t leave much room for tolerance of others, and are not compatible with other faiths. As he states, it’s common to find someone who identifies as both Confucian and as a Buddhist in China, and those two beliefs can be held together at the same time, which helps for national unity. On the other hand, he notes that a cultural weakness is the difficulty of the written Chinese language, due to having immense number of characters and not having an alphabet for sounds. This makes translations difficult of scientific texts produced in other languages into Chinese. He also states that Chinese people were artistic, well-mannered, had a sense of humor, and were curious about the positive aspects of Western intellectual culture - from political treatises to economics and so on. He also stated that seeing a dog die on the street and in pain would be more likely to promote laughter than concern, and that there was a disregard to people starving due to famine from people with means and a less than compassionate nature, and that this could be due to the size of the problem given the size of the country and that many Chinese people saw famines as a part of life in China until their were efforts to have agricultural reforms and to control the birthrate. He also notes that one of the most important elements of Confucian doctrine with regards to respect and worship of one’s ancestors is of having children as a way to honor one’s ancestors, which could easily lend itself towards a higher birthrate than one could support.
It’s a fascinating read, and it’s interesting to see how China has politically dealt with the challenges that Bertrand Russell has mentioned. China since the writing of this book has had a war with Japan, had the US become it’s number 1 trading partner, has become the second most powerful country in the world after the US, has had policies to limit the birthrate and agricultural reforms, has industrialized, and has extended education in the country. For every problem noted by Bertrand Russell within this book, China has attempted an answer. The one problem in Russell’s forecast is perhaps him not seeing the appeal of communism in China and that political change. He also notes that China is perhaps the most patient country on Earth, and while many countries think in terms of years or perhaps decades in terms of their plans, China thinks in terms of centuries and is patient. He notes that China focusing on its own development, as Europe/white Western countries keep fighting due to their warlike nature could be a key to their success, and it seems that’s a message that China has taken to heart politically, and it’s been a part of their success.
It would be interesting to see another political analysis on China, similar to the one Russell wrote, written today, after a hundred years has passed. The challenges China faces are different today than they were 100 years ago, and China, as the second most powerful country on earth, has immense influence, which involves greater challenges, in terms of being able to use that influence well for the benefit of humanity, rather than simply to the benefit of power politics. To quote Batman (apologies lol), “with great comes great responsibility.” China is more powerful than it was in 1920, but that also comes with (in my opinion valid) increased expectations to behave rightfully towards other nations and their own citizens. And as Abraham Lincoln said, “Nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a men's character, give him power.” China’s character (both it’s faults and strengths) will be seen and felt more in the following century than in the proceeding century.
Russell is obviously biased by his own Western roots when writing this book and the prejudices of Anglo-American culture at that time. That being said, Russell was also quite socialistic in his views to my understanding, and although he makes many quite culturally prejudiced statements, he still may be considered relatively progressive for his time. I think this is an informative read in order to see a historically progressive European view on China and Japanese politics, and it is also interesting to see that some of his predictions have been borne out while others have not. However, I would consult more contemporary sources written by both Chinese and Western writers to get a less tainted view of history and sociological commentary.
Quite interesting. Russell's treatment of China's position in the early twentieth century is excellent. His predictions on China's relationships with Japan proved prescient. It's certainly seems to me to reflect a socialist view of the world, with its focus on how the capitalist powers of the West, together with Japan, weaken China for their own ends. At the same time, Russell understands that each of the Great Powers of the age has different interests that align with, or are opposed to, China's self-interest.
Excellent. Just excellent. The mind of Bertrand shines all throughout the book, making one think about "superiority of nations" and whether the Western values are superior to Eastern ones (anything but...). Read the book, it's relatively short (250 pages or so) but its a pure joy to partake of author's brilliance. The historical and philosophical insights add bright spots of the author's intellect to an already amazing work.
Bertrand Russell goes in specific details with the information and technology available at the time to compelled a rigorous analysis of the Chinese political state of the 1920's to provide pragmatic solutions to the challenges of that great nation. From the importance to draft the constitution, invest in education, create a strong government and defense army to the industrialization.
Um livro de enorme valor para compreender a realidade cultural chinesa. Apesar de escrito há quase 100 anos, ajudou-me a perceber alguns aspectos do comportamento chinês que tanto me confundem e me espantam quotidianamente! (lido em Chengdu, China)
In 1920 Bertrand Russell moved to China for one year to serve as a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Beijing. The Manchu Dynasty had been overthrown in 1911. Although Sun Yet Sen had become the nominal leader of China, the political situation was chaotic.
In 1840 Great Britain had defeated China in the Opium War. With its victory Britain won the right to sell opium in China. The Manchu government had been trying to stop that because opium was causing problems with the Chinese who became addicted to it.
How would Americans feel if an alliance of Latin American countries had won a war against the United States to achieve the right to sell cocaine and heroin in the U.S.? That is how the Chinese felt.
After the Opium War China became a target for any imperialist country looking for a soft touch. The British seized control of Hong Kong and Burma. The French took control of Indochina. Burma and Indochina had been under Chinese suzerainty. In a war of 1894 – 95 Japan defeated China, winning Korea and coal and iron concessions in China.
When Bertrand Russell taught in China the European countries were leaving China alone. Russell describes Japan’s situation with understanding, although not sympathy.
When Admiral Perry forced the opening of Japanese ports to American shipping in 1852 the Japanese realized that if they were to resist Western imperialism and perhaps conquest they would need to develop a powerful military. A powerful military would require industrialism. Industrialism would require iron ore and coal. Japan lacked iron and coal reserves. China had both. The Japanese decided to take some of China’s iron and coal, and did.
After Admiral Perry’s uninvited visit the Japanese quickly formed a powerful government, which China had been unable to do after the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty. Thus, Japan was able to develop faster than China.
"The Problem of China" could have better been entitled "The Problems of China." Lord Russell did not see China as a problem, but as a decent country beset by problems caused by military weakness.
Russell had opposed Britain’s entry into the First World War. He did think a country had the right to defend itself from foreign aggression. For China this would require a powerful military. This in turn would require a strong government and industrialization. China had little industry when Russell visited the country. Russell thought China had much potential for industry.
Russell hoped that the Chinese would develop a democratic government. This would require free public education. At the time Russell lived in China the weak and poorly financed government lacked the ability to educate the country. Nevertheless, Russell said young people in China valued the opportunity to be educated. The Chinese respected people with education.
Russell admired Chinese culture, and thought it was more conducive to widespread happiness than what existed in the West. Nevertheless, he did see problems with Chinese civilization. The Chinese valued large families. This led to periodic famines when crops failed. Well meaning people in the West tried to alleviate the famines with food aid. This resulted in more people to feed during the next famine. The adoption of modern agricultural methods would increase food production. That would delay the next famine, but it would occur without efforts to curb population growth. Unlike others on the left, Russell accepted the insights of Robert Malthus.
Another problem Russell saw with Chinese civilization was that government officials were usually corrupt by Western standards. The Chinese thought a man had more responsibility to his family than his country. Chinese officials tried to extract as much money as they could to distribute it to family members.
Russell had little respect for Confucius. The Analects of Confucius is a fairly short document. One can read it in one or two sittings.
Confucius took inequality for granted, but he thought those with power over others had moral responsibilities to them. I see his as the philosophy of the benevolent boss. Confucius also wrote about religious matters. He thought that one should worship the deities in the traditional manner as though they exist, but that one should avoid religious dogmatism. When we consider the history of religion in the West it is easy to agree.
I would rather be governed by rulers who based their governing philosophy on the philosophy of Confucius than rulers who admired Adolf Hitler or Ayn Rand.
China has finally developed the strong government and strong military Lord Russell hoped they would. The rest of the world has stopped bullying China. Unfortunately, democracy has eluded the mainland. Nevertheless, the example of Taiwan demonstrates that democracy would work well on the mainland.
The American people never had to choose between personal freedom and national survival. The Chinese people had to make that choice. And they did.
This book has not gained much attention in Western society, but it is very popular in China. According to Russell's view, Chinese culture is not Inferior to Western culture, and in many areas, it is Better than Western culture. This is the kind of view that is Similar to that of many Chinese people nowadays, so this book can be published in China repeatedly.
But in my view, Russell was highly critical of Western civilization. Still, when he talked about China, he gave a very gentle view and highly praised chinese culture, It is based on his profoundly critical and skeptical view of Western civilization and empathy for the tragedy in China before World War II.
This book is quite brief and summary, and as a Chinese, I can see that many of the points Russell made are things I already knew. In this book, Russell makes many points about the situation as it was approximately 100 years ago. And a lot of the content in this book is related to history, so this book is kind of boring compared to other books I have read by Russell. But Russell is so good at English, so whatever he writes, we can feel amusement when we hear what he talks about.
The thing that moved me most about Russell was that he had a Benevolent and kind attitude toward China and the Chinese people, and gave his deep thoughts to the Chinese problems. He had thought about how to solve the Chinese problems in that era. It may be because he was treated well in China and had seen a lot of misery and poverty chinese that struck his compassion.
Bertrand Russell presents a short- to medium-length work here regarding China and its role in the contemporary world. There is a plethora of historical information not only on China, but Japan and the Oriental region as a whole. He has quite a few opinions on China, some that are curiously interesting and some just might be shocking and even offensive (the horror!) to today’s Enlightened.
The following passage caught my attention: “all the world will be vitally affected by the development of Chinese affairs, which may well prove a decisive factor, for good or evil, during the next two centuries.”
In that, he was correct. What is more, we see that Russell was most definitely a proponent of Socialism at all costs:
“This whole question of Asiatic immigration, which is liable to cause trouble for centuries to come, can only be radically solved by Socialism, since Socialism alone can bring the private interests of workers in this matter into harmony with the interests of their nation and of the world.
“Only international Socialism can secure both; and owing to the stimulation of revolt by capitalist oppression, even peace alone can never be secure until international Socialism is established throughout the world.”
He had some interesting opinions, and agree with him or not, this is a good book to pick up and read to understand the world of yesterday and, yes, even today.
And there you have it. I learned who Bertrand Russell was, and learned that he thought as some do today. While the book was interesting and increased my knowledge, it was a little dry.
Wow, this is a great book. I admire so much for Mr. Russell's deep knowledge of Chinese history and characters, still not sure how he got them 100 years ago but I agree with a lot of them. Some opinions may be out of date since a lot of things changed.
One particular point is that Mr. Russell thinks the Chinese are against progress in early chapters. I was shocked when I first read it. On the second thought, it is true to some degree and especially in that period. China has a long history. Sometimes, we are too obsessed with the glorious past to forget the current and the future.
I also appreciated Mr. Russell's humanity way of writing and his trust for the good part of Chinese characters. His comparison between western culture and Chinese culture is insightful. For me, the two are similar to steel and water, or yin and yang. Both have their pros and cons. A combination may bring a great thing.
One more thing, I cannot agree more with Mr. Russell about defensive patriotism. When someone is strong enough, they won't be offended easily. In Chinese say, do not plant crop when hearing worm yelling
Overall, I found this book to be an insightful, engaging read. B. Russell's prose is clear; he spells out when he is assuming things, doesn't hide his own goals and motives, and builds up a sophisticated analysis of world events connecting history, geopolitics, religion, etc. to create a holistic picture of "what's going on".
This book treats the topic of Japan extensively, in addition to China. I therefore recommend this as a reading for someone studying Japanese history during the Meiji/fin de siècle period.
Note for American readers, that B. Russell writes from a British/European vantage point; reading this book was also insightful for looking at America and its foreign affairs from a different perspective.
A classic that proves to be a genuine treat for present day readers who want to understand China. Much has changed in China during the last hundred years, why then should we bother reading such an outdated book?
I would argue that this books age provides us with the peculiar and rare advantage of evaluating the author’s insights into the matter by assessing the accuracy of his predictions. I find it both surprising and stimulating that the genius of Russell was able to predict so accurately the developments of China during the past century. From the atrocities of Japan during WW2 to the rise of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This book will allow the reader to gain some insights on why China has developed in the way it has. And maybe what we can expect from it in the future.
A nice analysis in which Russell certainly displays a sensitivity and sympathy towards the Chinese people uncommon among most of his contemporaries, whether European or American. On the other hand, however, Russell's commentaries are terribly outdated (unsurprisingly 100 years later), as he talks about the future of a radically different state compared to what China is today.
Fairly interesting take on China when it was still a weak nation suffering from civil war. What’s more, Russell seems to see China and other East Asian countries in clearer terms than many ‘experts’ you see on mainstream media at present.
This was a very interesting read for a number of reasons.
It is a fairly concise analysis of the then-present political and economic situation of China, as viewed by a visiting Professor Bertrand Russell; he gives his own opinion and makes predictions as he sees events playing out. Some of the analysis and predictions were quite prescient; others look, in the light of much history, as naive as they indeed turned out to be (easy for me to say!) This was written c. 1921, so almost 30 years before the victory of Mao Zedong.
Some of his biting commentary on (especially) American culture seems just as true today; on the down side, some of his commentary on the development of Chinese economic progress seems incredibly... well, "European", even though he repeatedly lambastes whites for their caricature of Chinese culture. For instance, he says at one point --and I paraphrase-- that the development of more advanced technology and agriculture to save lives that would die of famine isn't worth it if it comes at the cost of culture: as hyperbole this is fine, but I suspect he half-way meant it. One wonders what the starving farm-worker would think.
A great, very accessible bit of historical reading, with much that is still relevant today.