Whenever I read anything by the late Christopher Hitchens, I feel like Wayne and Garth in an SNL “Wayne’s World” skit, prostrate before one of their rock gods, wailing, “I’m not worthy! I’m not worthy!”
Hitchens is like a literary rock god to me. Erudite, witty as hell, and mind-blowing in his intellectual capacity, Hitchens won me over years ago after I read his atheist manifesto, “God is Not Great”. I have relished everything I have ever read by him since, although I have not come close to reading everything by him. I have been savoring his essays one at a time from his collected book of essays, “Arguably”, partly because I feel quite intellectually drained after reading them. I consider myself pretty intelligent, but I feel like I definitely missed a few classes after reading Hitchens. I am not worthy.
Interesting fact: Hitchens was (one of) the preeminent contemporary experts on George Orwell, having spent many years reading, researching, and writing about Orwell. It helped that he was a fan.
Hitchens published “Why Orwell Matters” in 2002. Less an apologetics for the contemporary relevance of Orwell’s writings than an examination of Orwell’s socio-political significance in English letters, Hitchen’s book was a series of essays in which he attempted to defend Orwell from critics, detractors, and haters, of which there are quite a few.
Everyone from Communists to anti-Communists, liberals, conservatives, feminists, homosexuals, Anglophiles, Anglophobes, cat-lovers, coffee drinkers, and people from New Jersey hated Orwell. (Okay, I made up those last three, but I’m fairly certain a few Jersey folk may hate him, too. No proof of this, though...)
It may seem like a contradictory list, but Orwell was, as Hitchens continually points out, a complicated guy and not so easy to pin down in many ways.
A lifelong democratic socialist, Orwell despised tyranny and despotism in any form. Sometimes, unfortunately, that tyranny took the form of a socialist or communist regime. Orwell wasn’t afraid to criticize or denigrate fellow socialists and communists for their atrocious behavior. It didn’t get him invited to a lot of communist barbecues.
Many on the Left felt that he should have been a bit more gung-ho in his support for socialism, while many on the Right felt that his socialist leanings were a little too open and risque. Orwell’s response to both sides was the same: Poppycock.
Once, when his novel “1984” was accused of being an attack on the British Labour Party, Orwell responded, “My recent novel is not intended as an attack on socialism or on the British Labour Party (of which I am a supporter) but as a show-up of the perversions to which a centralized economy is liable and which have already been partly realized in Communism and fascism... The scene of the book is laid in Britain in order to emphasize that the English-speaking races are not innately better than anyone else and that totalitarianism, if not fought against, could triumph anywhere. (p. 85)”
Truer words could not have been spoken. It resonates even more today, in the U.S., with the fledgling dictatorship and embryonic totalitarian state of the Trump Administration.
Feminists and homosexuals, Hitchens argues, perhaps had a better case for their accusations of misogyny and homophobia in Orwell’s writing, although either accusation is somewhat unfair.
Orwell’s novels certainly paint a negative view of women as politically apathetic and dependent on men to the point of being somewhat infantile. Inexplicably, as the few women in Orwell’s life, including his wives, were all known to be extremely intelligent and independent-minded.
Hitchens flips the argument and writes, “[I]t would certainly be true to say that men in Orwell’s fiction are utterly incapable of happiness without women. Yes, they resent the need of women, as many men do, and as Orwell himself obviously did. Yes, they distrust the marriage bond as a ‘trap’ by a hypocritical and acquisitive society. But to write about male-female relations in any decade and to omit these elements would have been to abandon verisimilitude. (p. 150)”
Orwell’s few references to homosexuality in his books are almost always negative, and Hitchens doesn’t even bother defending it other than insinuating that it was the general view of the times and that Orwell had, like many British schoolboys, possibly been buggered by older boys, more than once.
I despise homophobia and support gay rights, but I suppose if I had been routinely involved in homosexual rape as a young man, under the noses of indifferent and, in some cases, inculpatory adults and authority figures, my views toward gay people may be somewhat, and understandably, tarnished.
“Why Orwell Matters” sheds deeper light on a fascinating person. Whether you love him or hate him, Orwell and his writings are nonetheless as important today as they were nearly seventy years ago when he was first published.