This is Fidel Castro’s brilliant courtroom defense speech, offering a foretaste of the oratory for which he would become famous. At his trial for initiating an uprising against Batista’s dictatorship in 1953, he was sentenced to fifteen years of imprisonment. He was released twenty months later due to public pressure, and within six years he marched triumphantly into Havana at the head of the Cuban Revolution.
Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro overthrew the regime of Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar in 1959, established a Communist state, served as prime minister until 1976 and then as president of the government and first secretary of the party, in declining health passed control de facto in 2006 to Raúl Castro, his younger brother, and officially retired in 2008.
Fidel Castro led a revolutionary movement that overthrew corrupt authoritarian regime of Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar on New Year's Day, 1 January 1959.
Raúl Castro assisted Fidel Castro, his brother, in overthrowing the regime of Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar in 1959.
United States in an attempt to overthrow the government of Fidel Castro trained a force of 1,500 guerrilla troops, who landed at Bay of Pigs, the site, in an ill-fated invasion on 17 April 1961.
Castro, the illegitimate son of a wealthy farmer, adopted leftist anti-imperialist politics and meanwhile studied law at the University of Havana. He participated in rebellions against right wing in the Dominican Republic and Colombia, afterward failed in an attack on the barracks of Moncada, planned against the military junta, which the United States of America backed, and served imprisonment for a year in 1953. On release, he went to Mexico, formed the movement of 26 July as a group with Ernesto Guevara, his friend and doctor.
Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, a politician, also served as the commander in chief of the armed forces. This politically Marxist-Leninist administered the socialist republic. People nationalized industry and businesses and implemented socialist reforms in all parts of society. Castro returned, ousted rivals in 1959, and brought his own assumption of military and political power.
Credentials of Castro and cordial relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics alarmed the Administrations of Dwight David Eisenhower and John Fitzgerald Kennedy, who unsuccessfully attempted economic blockade, assassination, and even the invasion at Bay of Pigs of 1961 to remove him. In 1961, Castro proclaimed the socialist nature of his administration under rule of its kind in the Western Hemisphere. The press and suppression of internal dissent accompanied socialist reforms that introduced central economic planning and expanded care and education.
Castro countered these threats, formed an economic and military alliance with the Soviets, allowed them to place nuclear weapons on the island, and thus sparked sparking the missile crisis in 1962.
Internationally, Castro also served as general of the nonaligned movement from 1979 to 1983.
Abroad, Castro supported foreign groups in the expectation of toppling world capitalism, sent troops to fight in the wars of Yom Kippur, Ogaden, and Angola.
Following the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1991, Castro went into economic "special period" and afterward forged alliances in the Latin American pink tide, namely with Venezuela of Hugo Chávez, and joined the Bolivarian alliance in 2006.
Due to failing, Castro in 2006 transferred his responsibilities to his vice, who assumed in 2008.
Supporters lauded Castro, a controversial and divisive world figure, as a champion of socialism, humanitarianism, and environmentalism against imperialism; critics viewed him as a dictator, who oversaw multiple rights abuses, an exodus of more than a million persons, and the impoverishment of the economy of the country. Through actions and writings, he significantly influenced the politics of various individuals and groups across the world.
A great tip for political aspirants towards the end.
The 3+ hours speech Castro gave in court defending himself and revolution. Castro didn't make this speech in public so it can't be the loud body language that dictators (think Hitler) are famous for making in their speeches which moved people. The speech was made public by pages that his wife help him smuggle out of prision.
A lot of it is listing cruelties of then ruling tyrant. And the then tyrant, Batista, was in fact cruel. Moreover he had turned Cube into an economic colony of US, all major industrial holdings belonged to Americans as Castro pointed out. Cubans despite having one of most gifted lands were none the better for it. Castro, when he will later became tyrant, though cruel to anyone opposing him did far more for the underdogs.
Then there are all the great things he claims the revolutionary government would have done if they had come to power. These didn't came out to be mere empty rules either,some of thm were.implemented.
A large section, though, of his speech was as to how the tyranny of Batista was anti-constitutional. But he himself will become a dictator once the revolution becomes successful. This whole Animal Farm theme has been repeated a lot of times in Latin America, there is also a Twilight Zone episode on subject which features a tyrant who looks a lot like Castro:
As if physical resemblance wasn't enough, they mentioned country was centeral America and the illusion made in beginning of protagonist being beardless not so long ago, sets the source of inspiration beyond doubt.
What is really impressive is Castro's photogenic memory as he quotes everything from constitution to Rousseau, lists all those incidences. Unlike politicians, his reasoning is not so screwed and he could be funny too. Like Hitler, his speeches asked people to make sacrifice for 'the greater cause'- the phrase always make me laugh.
He was definitely better than last tyrant and popular in his own country. Most of negative publicity he got doesn't have to do so much with never ending executions that he held (those too were popular among Cubans, 'To the wall'was the famous cry - Castro's arguement was that the persecuted had long been oppressing people, in this very speech he compared Batista's reign to Nazis) but that he chose to nationalise monopolies owned by US businessmen. And those buisnessmen had the US president and CIA on their payroll. So US did what it always does put lives of its own soldiers and those of people of other countries to save guard it's material interests. Castro turned to Russia for aid, and having a nuclear enemy in their neighbor added incentive of paranoia to financial incentive for US government and hence the history. I don't think you can blame Cuban missile inspirations for bringing world so close to world war 3, they were only defending themselves. Rather it is about US paranoia.
The rest of review is for political aspirants, no one else will be benifitted from reading it. So please ignore.
The speech has nothing unusual about it. It is like speeches made by most of those who have rose to power in recent times - all you need is people who are unhappy and frustrated at their present lives, any such people are basically mobs and mobs are easily manipulated by the oldest trick in the book. The trick also works if you are already a ruler and want to stay popular.
The trick is first introduced by the great Machiavelli in his 'Thesis on prevalent methods and principles in Politics and Polarization, useful for princes' as 'Punching bag Principle of Politics'. It says if a Prince (or a wanna be) finds such people (mobs), he must give them scapegoats, some punching bag to vent their anger on - the scapegoat may or may not deserve the blame, the accusing person might or might not be honest; it doesn't matter. What matters is you tell them they will be serving a higher cause by hating these scrapegoats, call the hatred highest form of nationalism (read the speech to find example, Castro was a natural) And they will take care of rest. As long as you keep giving people something to punch about, they will love you. So, some freedom fighters were successful, justly, to rebel against colonial governments who deserved the anger. Except for colonial governments and corrupt or draconian home governments, all other scrpaegoats are unjust.
Guys like Hitler used minorities. Another popular option is enemy country - American presidents are experts at this one, attacking and thus creating a new enemy to protect their presidentship. I am seeing both these cases happening in my country ... in fact, this trick doesn't only benifit people, last US elections have proved, that it is just as effective when used by cartoons.
Though many consider him a despot, tyrant, criminal, and objector of western ideals, this powerful speech clearly defines Fidel Castro as one of the greatest orators of the last century. In this 3 plus hour speech to the court, Castro clearly defines his movements goals, while not only presenting to the court an almost impeccable speech but also charging the same prosectors and government officials whom accused him of rebellious activity as the true criminals. He then goes on to describe his plan of agrarian reform and to uplift his fellow country men and women from the depths of poverty which Batista has irrevocably tried to keep them under. In the speech he lists his five revolutionary laws to be achieved:
1)A return of power to amend the Constitution to the masses
2) Transfer over non-mortgageable land to peasants and farmers
3) To give a 30 percent share of large industrial company's profits to workers and employees (because of the rampant usurpation of sugar mills for the last century)
4) To allow the sugar planters to share in 55 percent of their toil,
5) And the forfeiture of all illegal seizures from corporations be it land or finance
(in the speech he goes over the laws much better and clearer than i do)
Sadly this beautifully choreographed speech is not very known to main stream America, and neither is Castro's eloquent speaking ability. Maybe its the language barrier? Or maybe main stream America's lethargic view of the rest of the world? That aside, to understand Cuban-American relations post 1959 and even more so American relations to a country that does not accord with its ideals, one should def read this speech.
This is honestly incredible. Not least because the judges let Fidel speak for ~3 hours, but because he hits on the logos, pathos, and ethos in his rhetorical presentation PERFECTLY. From emotional pleas that evoke both pity and anger to the brutal treatment of both his accomplices in the Moncada Barracks attack and the general populace beyond, to the legalistic arguments surrounding Cuba's and the Batista's regime's failure to uphold their sworn duties to the populace as enumerated in the constitution and declaration of independence years prior, and then to the evocation of revolutionary themes that he paints as inherently both "human" and "Cuban"... It's no wonder the man was able to rally and inspire ordinary people to rise up in a military conflict against all odds.
I do think a useful comparison, that I'm not going to make here, but some college student absolutely could to have a great paper on Cuba, would be the Batista regime - through the eyes of Fidel - vs. the Cuban Revolutionary State under his leadership. I'll allow others to draw their conclusions, but both the revolutionary gains and the repression needed to ensure their longevity must come into relief against the backdrop that Castro paints in his impassioned plea for justice in History Will Absolve Me.
'A revolution is not a bed of roses. A revolution is a struggle between the future and the past.' - Fidel Castro
বিদ্রোহী কবি নজরুলকে কবিতা লেখার দায়ে এক ইংরেজ-কবি বিচারকের কাঠগড়ায় দাঁড়াতে হয়েছিল। সেখানে কবি নজরুল আত্মপক্ষ সমর্থন করে একটি নাতিদীর্ঘ বক্তৃতা দেন। যা বাংলা সাহিত্যের ইতিহাসে অমর হয়ে আছে 'রাজবন্দীর জবানবন্দী' নামে। দুনিয়ার অপর প্রান্তে ১৯৫৩ সালে বিদ্রোহী ফিদেল কাস্ত্রোকে মনকাদা ব্যারাকে ব্যর্থ অভিযানের দায়ে কাঠগড়ায় দাঁড়াতে হয়। জেনারেল বাতিস্তার পদলেহী বিচারকের সামনে নিজের বক্তব্য পেশ করেন আইনের ছাত্র কাস্ত্রো। যা দুনিয়া জুড়ে বিখ্যাত হয়ে আছে, 'History Will Absolve Me' নামে। নিজেকে সমর্থন করে প্রায় সাড়ে তিন ঘন্টা একটানা কথা বলেন কাস্ত্রো।
অভ্যুত্থান আর বিপ্লব যা-ই বলুন, ব্যর্থ হলে দ্রোহীর নসিবে দুর্দশার কমতি থাকে না। এসময় মনোবল ভেঙে পড়তে পারে। কিন্তু কাস্ত্রো ননীর পুতুল নন। বিপ্লবচেষ্টায় সাফল্য না পেলেও তার কণ্ঠে কোনো বিষাদ পাইনি। বরং তিনি আত্মবিশ্বাসী ছিলেন। স্বৈরাচার বাতিস্তার সেনাবাহিনীকে তিনি ভয় পান না। কারণ কাস্ত্রো জানেন,
গহীন গুহার ভেতর থেকে আসা একটা যুক্তির ক্ষমতা সমগ্র সেনাবাহিনীর চাইতে বেশি।
কাস্ত্রোকে প্রহসনমূলক বিচারে ২৬ বছরের কারাদণ্ড দেওয়া হয়েছিল। তিনি নিশ্চিত ছিলেন না যে, তার এই জবানবন্দি কোনোদিন আলোর মুখ দেখবে। তাই নিজের মতো করে কথা বলেছেন। পাঠক হিসেবে প্রত্যাশা কম ছিল। সুতরাং, হতাশ হইনি।
অভ্যুত্থান ব্যর্থ হয়েছে। কাস্ত্রো কারাবন্দি। তবুও ইনকিলাবের নেশা তিনি ছাড়তে পারেননি৷ জবানবন্দির অনেকটাই জুড়ে ছিল বিপ্লবের মাধ্যমে কেমন কিউবা গড়তে চান তার রূপরেখা। এই মানুষটা অসামান্য স্বপ্নদ্রষ্টা ছিলেন। জানতেন তিনি সফল হবেনই। তাই দুশমন পরিবেষ্টিত হয়েও বিপ্লবের কথা শুনিয়েছেন। এমন হিম্মত কতজন বিপ্লবীর থাকে?
পড়তেই হবে - এমন কোনো কেতাব নয়। কিউবা, কাস্ত্রো এবং সত্যিকারের বিপ্লবীর মনোজগৎ কেমন হয়, তা জানতে পড়তে পারেন মাত্র ৬০ পাতার তরুণ ফিদেল কাস্ত্রোর জবানবন্দি 'History Will Absolve Me.'
This short book is a translation of a speech written by a young Fidel Castro for his trial for insurrection after the uprising of July 26, 1953. There is a brief forward and some footnotes, but very little contextual information is provided; the majority of the book is simply Castro’s words. He rails against the injustices of the Batista regime and the business elites that ran Cuba at the time. There is much talk about freedom, the right of the people to determine their future, and due process, and none at all about Communism or capitalism.
Different people, reading this book, will likely take different things from it, depending on their reading of history Perhaps Castro, who always wanted to be a dictator, was simply using the tools of oratory to challenge the current rulers. Perhaps he was sincere at the time, but became corrupted after seizing power. Or perhaps he bowed to necessity, because the forces that would have destroyed Cuban liberation were too powerful to oppose by any but his own domineering will. This book is unlikely to answer the question of which of these is the most true, although it may support an already-drawn conclusion for any of them.
The book will be of most use to people familiar with the history of Cuba and the region on a larger scale, who can put Castro’s words into better context than I can, through their understanding of what he had done up to this point, what he would do in years to come, and what was going on around him. The question of whether “history” absolves Castro for the actions he committed in 1953 and since remains an open one, although there are of course many partisans on both sides of it.
Dado a lo que defendia este hombre, creo que se convirtió de alguna manera en lo que 'odiaba'. Posiblemente una de los documentos más irónicos del mundo. Sus pensamientos son muy interesantes, ya que señaló lo que consideraba los males de Cuba. No quiero comentar tanto porque fue más la molestia que me produjo de lo que me entusiasmo en leerlo.
Fidel no deja de asombrarnos con su don para la palabra y para plantear problemas estructurales que asolaban a Cuba en los momentos previos a la revolución. En su discurso, se unge como líder del Movimiento 26 de julio y se atreve a poner dialécticamente y con hechos a la dictadura de Batista contra las cuerdas. Y la historia te absolvió, Fidel.
This book is an extraordinary testimony of Fidel's dialectical, philosophical and political skills. Besides his own personal orientation and beliefs, a superb knowledge of history, law and constitution can be appreciated throughout his speech. A book like this should be discussed in schools
It was the speech at the Court of Appeals of Santiago de Cuba (the old name of Havana) on October 16, 1953. Because Fidel Castro lost the battle and was caught and imprisoned. He fight for the chance to defend for himself and also accused the dictator/government.
The speech was full of revolutionary determination to fight for Cuba's freedom and the passion to correct the the way managing the country's resources, so to bring justice and fairness to the people. He described the battle failure, appraise his comrades and encouraged people to fight, so that "liberty and happiness may be yours!". Some of the talks were very logical and with very simple but convincing political concepts. He listed the 5 Revolutionary Laws and addressed the solutions with land, industrialization, housing, unemployment, education, health care, public liberties restoration and political democracy.
He wanted the judges to remember that themselves would be judged over and over again in the future about how they judge in the court.
Interestingly, he stated: "It is common to give the name of revolution to small disorders promoted by a group of dissatisfied persons in order to grab, from those i power, both the political sinecures and the economic advantages. The usual result is no more than a change of hands in the dividing up of jobs and benefits.
Will history really absolve him? The final judge has not yet done. But the book is a good read, at least, it kept me thinking about how human beings so bloodily messed up in greed of power and unnecessary sacrifices.
"When you try a defendant for robbery, Honorable Judges, do you ask him how long he has been unemployed? Do you ask him how many children he has, which days of the week he ate and which he didn't, do you investigate his social context at all? You just send him to jail without further thought. But those who burn warehouses and stores to collect insurance do not go to jail, even though a few human beings may have gone up in flames. The insured have money to hire lawyers and bribe judges. You imprison the poor wretch who steals because he is hungry; but none of the hundreds who steal millions from the Government has ever spent a night in jail. There are no courts nor are there sentences for millionaires."
God damn this is excellent, and even more impressive given the fact that the Batistiano prison guards gave Fidel basically zero resources, but he was still able to employ this great depth of Biblical, historical, philosophical, and legal references.
"Condemn me. It does not matter. History will absolve me." Few lines go harder than that
"when people carry the same ideals in their hearts, nothing can isolate them--neither prison walls nor the sod of cemeteries. For a single memory, a single spirit, a single idea, a single conscience, a single dignity will sustain them all."
"Condemn me. It does not matter. History will absolve me." ... Lines that go really hard. This whole speech is full of powerful rhetoric, really biting and incisive words that stand, almost literally, on the blood spilled by an oppressive regime.
I read this (because I found a copy hidden in the shelves of the Strand) as a starting place to educate myself and form my own thoughts on Cuba under Castro. I wouldn't be here without Fidel's revolution, and I feel an obligation to dig into what that means. Nevertheless, a lot of people feel a lot of things about the state of the country since then, and it's hard to pick out where to start when considering a source's potential biases. Might as well start with a good ol primary source then.
This speech doesn't say much about how his revolution played out, but it does say (more than) a few things. It shows the promises Castro made, the ideals he stood for (or claimed to stand for), and the vision for the country's future. In it, he makes a very compelling case that his revolution was justified. He very thoroughly condemns Batista and his oligarchy, and he states way things should be better. Again, while this speech doesn't tell us where things end, it tells us where Castro said it should go... And in doing so feels like a good place to start and a good place for me to look back at as we explore the details and nuances of how things really ended up.
Lastly, in a post script of sorts, I want to note that there's a timelessness and universality to Fidel's words in the quest for freedom from tyranny:
"Let me tell you a story.
Once upon a time there was a Republic. It had its constitution, its laws, its civil rights, a president, a congress and courts of law. Everyone could assemble, associate, speak and write with complete freedom.
The people were not satisfied with the government officials at that time, but they had the power to elect new officials and only a few days remained before they were going to do so.
There existed a public opinion both respected and heeded and all problems of common interest were freely discussed. There were political parties, radio and television debates and forums and public meet- ings. The whole nation throbbed with enthusiasm. This country had suffered greatly and although it was unhappy, it longed to be happy and had a right to be happy. It had been deceived many times and it looked upon the past with a real horror, This country blindly believed that such a past could not return; the people were proud of their love of liberty and they carried their heads high in the conviction that liberty would be respected as a sacred right; they felt confident that no one would dare commit the crime of violating their democratic institutions. They desired change for the better, aspired to progress; and they saw this at hand. All their hope was in the future. Poor country!"
Independentemente das crenças políticas de cada um, há que concordar que a capacidade de argumentar de Fidel Castro é brilhante.
Este livro resulta de um discurso de defesa em frente ao tribunal, antes do triunfo da Revolução Cubana e depois da tentativa falhada de ataque ao Quartel Moncada, em Santiago de Cuba. Nele Fidel não só se defende de acordo com a Constituição, que consagra o direito a resistir e à revolta quando o governo não defende o povo, como também tece graves acusações contra a ditadura de Batista, num alocução inflamada e corajosa.
This was one of the most powerful and inspirational speeches I have ever read. Fidel, facing charges from Batista’s dictatorship, shows no fear in condemning the government. For two hours straight, he speaks his mind, proudly recalling all the “crimes” he has committed against the dictatorship. But Fidel, does not do this to obtain personal glory; he wants to offers a light of hope to the Cuban population and to his comrades, and if he were to be imprisoned, he knows that history will absolve him!
2.5 way too long. definitely wouldn't have sat through all of it. People say that he was a skilled lawyer, but I think, if he was so skilled, he should be able to make his statement in 10min
Este libro es el alegato con el que Fidel Castro se defendió en 1953, en el juicio que se le hizo por el asalto al cuartel Moncada y Bayamo. Con una lógica argumentativa brillante y un impresionante conocimiento del Derecho, Castro explica las razones de la lucha armada que promovió el Movimiento 26 de Julio, liderado por él, para derrocar al dictador Fulgencio Batista.
Para el M26, había 6 problemas esenciales: la propiedad de la tierra, la nacionalización de las industrias, el desempleo, la vivienda, la educación y la salud. Sí, hay muchos claroscuros y matices interminables, pero tómense un minuto para ser aplastados por estas cifras: antes de la Revolución cubana, 57% de la población era analfabeta y la tasa de mortalidad infantil era de 42%. Hoy, Cuba tiene una tasa de alfabetización del 99.75% y la tasa de mortalidad infantil es del 1%; tiene 20 años en ese nivel.
La Revolución es una proeza histórica imposible de realizar sin costos muy altos para el pueblo. Súmenle, además, la imposibilidad de que un régimen político no se endurezca aún más por un embargo económico de 60 años. El asunto se reduce a la misma paradoja política de siempre: ¿justicia o libertad? La justicia implica que algunos tendrán que renunciar a ciertos privilegios para que todos puedan vivir con dignidad. La libertad –bella idea, mala ejecución– ha devenido en un mundo donde el 1% más rico del mundo tiene más del doble de la riqueza total conjunta del resto de la humanidad. ¡Y en 2020 todavía hay gente que atribuye tamaña inequidad a la meritocracia o al esfuerzo personal! Hay que ser muy imbécil para no darse cuenta de que la libertad es sólo el diminutivo: el nombre completo es libertad de mercado y eso se traduce en desigualdades abismales y en menosprecio de aquello que implica un gran gasto sin un beneficio monetario inmediato, como los sistemas gratuitos y universales de salud y educación. El tío Noam Chomsky lo decía bien: la clave para que un sistema como el capitalismo triunfe es dinamitar la empatía: creer que los pobres son pobres porque quieren, que las becas a los jóvenes son caridad y, claro, que tú eres exitoso –cualquier cosa que eso signifique– no porque hayas nacido en el seno de la clase media alta y hayas aprovechado los privilegios que esto conlleva, sino porque todo tu esfuerzo te llevó a donde estás, campeón.
Yo estuve en Cuba hace un par de años y todo el viaje fue una mezcla de sentimientos contradictorios. La llamita de idealismo que se enciende en el corazón al ver el “Vas bien, Fidel” junto a la cara de Camilo Cienfuegos en la Plaza de la Revolución se apacigua cuando una señora te pide que le compres leche para sus hijas y se vuelve a encender cuando el taxista te dice que es “pobre pero no miserable” y que él no deja la isla por nada pues ahí es donde está la dignidad. Regresé agotada: es tremendamente cansado confirmar que estoy muy acostumbrada a un estilo de vida depredador pero cómodo, y que renunciar a la comodidad requiere una fuerza de espíritu que no tengo.
Ya sé que no hablé casi nada del libro. Sospecho que el Comandante aprobaría.
I think without context the reader would find it hard to appreciate much in this book. This book is the text of Fidel's speech before the court sentencing him for his role in the 26th July Movement after the famous abortive attack on the Moncada barracks. An attack which was more of an angry gesture at a corrupt and brutal regime rather than a significant step in the overthrow of the government. The Moncada attack has, however, assumed its place as the kick-off point of the Cuban Revolution. Likewise History Will Absolve Me is another important step in the 26th July chronology.
I say it needs context because it's decidedly more of a polemic than an explanation of history or theory. The reader needs prior understanding of the history of Cuba such as the Cuban war of independance and the Batista regime. The best book I have read so far that I can suggest is Cuba: A New History.
Castro certainly shows his bravery and firm moral standing using his opportunity to speak in court as a chance to denounce the Batista regime. Castro is, after all, a man who we know to stand by his principles. Since History Will Absolve Me Castro has shown himself to be a man of the finest principles willing to fight and die for his beliefs. I think history will absolve him so long as we strive to preserve the correct narrative. No doubt when he dies there will be plenty of reactionary voices around the globe striving to outdo each other in denouncing Castro's legacy.
Interesting for what it explains about Cuba's history, and also Castro's state of mind. I find it particularly intriguing that he states so often about the Cuban constitution and how it is the right and the duty of citizens to overthrow a dictatorship--this is his defense--but then he became one himself. My knowledge of Cuban history is pretty limited, so maybe I'm backwards on this, but it's something to see him arguing so vehemently against the dictator style government, and then in hindsight to see what he became, or what my impression of what he became is.
Fidel Castro's magnum opus -- a four hour speech condemning the fascistic Batista regime and outlining Castro's plans for a socialist Cuba, which, at the time, seemed like it would never happen because of Castro's facing decades in prison, as well as the crushing of the 26th of July Movement. But just 5 years later, Castro and other revolutionary socialists would seize power and send the coward Batista fleeing Cuba, and would begin building the socialist nation of Cuba that we know today!
Truly a must read for any and all Communists, socialists, or anyone embracing anti-capitalism.
డొంక దారిలో అదికారంలోకి వచ్చిన బాటిస్టా కు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఫిడెల్ కాస్ట్రో కోర్టులో తన వాదన తానే వినిపించుకుంటూ నాలుగు గంటల పాటు చేసిన ప్రసంగం. అప్పటి క్యుబాలోని రాజకీయ పరిస్థితుల మీద విశ్లేషణ ఈ ప్రసంగం.
Beautiful ideology, and a must read if you're interested in Marxist theory and Latin American/Caribbean history or politics. Sadly, his ideas were better executed on paper than in practice and it is very likely that history will not, after all, absolve him.
Un libro bastante interesante, que resumo en una sola frase: "Las personas se convierten en aquello mismo que odian". El expresidente de Cuba Fidel Castro se convirtió de perseguido a perseguidor