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Australia's Immigration Revolution
How well is Australia handling immigration at a time of increased international and ethnic tensions? Immigration and Australia's Future examines the social impact of the huge increase in Australia's immigration program over the past decade. Rates of immigration to Australia nearly doubled under Howard and have increased to record levels under Rudd. These new immigrants join the 6.5 million who have arrived in Australia since 1945 from the UK, Europe, and Asia. How well are newer immigrants faring? Are they able to readily obtain education and jobs? Are immigrants from some backgrounds doing better than others? Drawing on major surveys of social cohesion, as well as demographic and other data, Andrew Markus examines how well newer immigrants are being accepted by the wider Australian community. He shows that despite Australia's controversial asylum policies and certain incidents, actually Australia's immigration program is relatively successful by international standards.
- GenresNonfiction
172 pages, Paperback
First published August 1, 2009
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September 1, 2014
I’ve finished two books on this topic in quick succession – partly because I’m so outraged at Australia’s current treatment of asylum seekers I feel compelled to learn more about the history of immigration and therefore, perhaps, gain an understanding of where Australian heartlessness might have come from.
This is a very interesting book. There is little question that there has been a fundamental revolution in Australia’s immigration policies – but what seems mostly remarkable is that this has happened more or less outside of the awareness of the Australian public. As the authors make clear, immigration is generally tolerated in times of economic prosperity, but that the need to continue to grow Australia’s population – given Australians, like most first world countries, don’t have children in large enough numbers – means we must increase immigration all of the time. Because there has been no real debate on these issues, and, in fact, it has sometimes been cynically used by politicians to score cheap points off each other, rather than people gaining ‘understanding’ they are much more likely to react according to the prevailing level of sunshine.
This book is particularly good as it gives an indication of how Australia fits within the global community and in relation to other nation states and their policies. The whole notion of a nation state is fundamentally changing. It means different things depending on who you are. If you have a job or skills that are in high demand, it is relatively easy for you to become a ‘citizen of the world’. That is, there are ‘temporary’ visas you can apply for and you can travel now pretty well anywhere in the world cheaply and easily. Then there is also the Internet and other communication technologies which make it infinitely easier to be away from people you love than was true at any other time in history. One of my favourite lines about Australia is from Robert Hughes when he said that being transported here was worse than being transported to the moon, as at least you could generally see the moon from England intermittently. Now, you are essentially a day away and always available on Skype.
But this means you don’t really need to set down roots in the country you have decided to go and work in. There are, therefore, a class of people who are perpetual tourists in places. This is quite a change for Australia. The only people who really came here in the past were intending to stay for good. It might not have really been a literal life sentence, but I think most people who came here assumed they weren’t going back. That meant that through the homesickness there was also a desire to fit in. Which was also something that matched the local view that strangers needed to assimilate.
And this has been more or less the case throughout Australia’s history. There are suburbs where waves of previous migrants have settled, but as is shown in some of the statistics here, there have been no ghettos where people have been forced to stay and by the second generation ethnic groups tend to disperse anyway, either moving up to more middle class suburbs or to outer suburbs according to housing affordability. There are hardly any suburbs which have more than 15% of their population from a single ethnicity – even when they may have a majority of residents from non-English speaking backgrounds.
For most of Australia’s history immigration has played a major role, but we have had the luxury of being very choosy. We could become the whitest nation on earth for a while with a White Australia policy – but the world is increasingly a different place. All advanced countries are struggling with the problem of an ageing population. This will have major impacts on economic growth and so advanced countries seek to draw in people from other nations to fill the gap. This is becoming less likely from Britain or Europe – what had been our major areas of supply in the past. The problem is also that we are a post-industrial society – the book claims that worker productivity in Australia is six times that of Asia and twelve times that of Africa. This means we need to draw in educated migrants – drawing brains, rather than having them drained from us, something that is also happening in tandem.
But Australia isn’t the only country in this situation. As I said, the rest of the developed world is facing exactly the same problems. So, there is a competition for these highly prized migrants. For this reason we have relaxed our requirements that people come here willing to become permanent citizens. But if life is a series of contradictions, then this is happening at a time of increasingly nationalism in Australia, particularly among young males who are feeling increasingly disenfranchised.
The real difficulty is in knowing what Australians really think about these changes. There is a kind of political double-speak going on by both major parties. By whipping up fear against a trickle of asylum seekers they can look like they are ‘tough on immigration’, while in fact record numbers of people are migrating to Australia.
One of the most disturbing findings from the surveys quoted in this book is that Australia’s really don’t like the idea that immigrants might get ‘something for nothing’ – which then means it is very hard for governments to provide effective services to newly arrived immigrants or do anything to help these people keep their native languages – no matter how useful this might be to Australia. But immigrants generally need support in the first couple of years so that they can get on their feet and it is really in the long-term interests of everyone that we make this process as painless as possible. But, again, since we refuse to have the discussion people see giving this kind of assistance to others are somehow rorting the system.
This will continue to be a running sore in Australian politics, with both sides ‘dog-whistling’ one tune while behaving in the exact opposite way in practice. Even a racist old fart like John Howard ultimately was forced by circumstance to accept a version of multiculturalism, a word he refused to let pass his lips for a while. It is depressing that in a democracy politicians tend to appeal to the lowest common denominator while refusing to believe rational discussion and leadership on issues in the nation’s interest have any real hope of success.
Some quotes:
Australia was not only facing a shortage of skilled workers; there was an emerging shortage of the semi-skilled and unskilled. The nature of work had changed: workers were now mobile across international borders. Unlike the immigrants of an earlier generation, many did not come to Australia as permanent settlers. Page xii
Given that immigration was running at near-record levels in the months leading to the onset of recession, a very large program was being maintained. Page xiii
Australian governments typically respond to economic downturns by cutting immigration, prioritising short-term considerations over long-term need. Page xiv
While multiculturalism came under attack from the conservative parties, the party system remained largely impervious to new movements critical of immigration and ethnic diversity, in contrast to Europe where openly racist parties have established small parliamentary bridgeheads. Page xviii
Howard policy was to minimise public discussion and, despite signals to the contrary from Minister Evans, the Rudd government in its first period of office was continuing the same approach. This approach seems to be unviable in the long term. Page xix
Public discussion focuses on the number of immigrants reaching Australia. But of greater significance is the increasing arrival of temporary or ‘guest workers’, a radical shift in the balance from permanent to temporary immigration. Page 4
Once Australia and the handful of other nations seeking to recruit immigrants were to a very large extent able to determine the terms of the immigration market; however, in the last decade, and prior to the impact of the global financial crisis, the number of countries seeking to recruit immigrants greatly increased, leading to a mounting competition for skilled workers. Page 4
Economic growth in Australia, dependent on capacity to meet labour requirements, will necessitate a continuing large immigration program. Page 5
Since World War II there have been two revolutions in the composition of the immigration intake. The first occurred in the 1950s, marking a shift from an intake in which over 80 per cent of immigrants came from the United Kingdom to one where immigrants from continental Europe became the majority; the second occurred over the last 30 years, resulting in the largest proportion of immigrants being drawn from Australia’s region, Asia and Oceania. Page 5
It is a general rule that most immigrants arrive from the receiving country’s region. Page 6
To think in terms of one Asian entity, to discuss—as some have done—a supposed ‘Asianisation’ of Australia, is to betray an ignorance of the rich complexity of cultures and peoples in regions comprising more than half the world’s population. Page 6
Education is now Australia’s third largest export earner. Page 11
Relative to the size of their populations, Australia and Canada recruit the highest proportion of their skilled workforce through immigration—around 11 per cent of their skilled working-age population. Page 13
The immigrant now possesses enhanced resources for self-sufficiency, with a lessened need to adjust to and integrate or assimilate to the norms and customs of the host society. He or she has more power in determining the extent and level of interaction. Page 15
Today, productivity levels in developed countries, in terms of value added per person employed, are six times higher than in Asia and twelve times higher than in Africa. The relative economic well-being of Western nations in the recent past has been a product of both labour force growth and productivity improvement. Page 22
Australia and Switzerland have the highest percentages of their populations born overseas—almost one in four persons in these two countries is born overseas. Page 32
The European situation suggests that the nation state has lost its appeal to the controlling elites, but still finds support among sections of the masses. Page 44
Between 1971 and 2006, the numbers from Asia grew by almost ten times, from Africa by more than four times, from both Latin America and the Pacific by more than seven times and from New Zealand by more than five times. Page 56
Since 1788, about 32 million people have lived in Australia; of these, 22 million—or 69 per cent—were born in Australia and 10 million—or 31 per cent—immigrated to Australia on a permanent or long-term basis. Page 57
New Zealanders, together with 457 visa holders, overseas students and working holiday makers, constitute a temporary population of almost a million, most of whom have work rights in Australia. Page 64
Migration is the only way that Australia can meet labour demands effectively in the medium and long term. As a result, Australia’s population will grow rapidly. Population growth in turn has a multiplier effect upon the demand for labour. The additional population must be fed, clothed, housed and generally serviced. Page 67
Concentration of newly arrived immigrant groups in particular localities can assist their integration into Australian society because they can draw on familiar support networks as they adjust to life in Australia. Page 70
The United Kingdom-born are widely dispersed across Australia. Page 77
The China-born are much more concentrated than the UK-born or the New Zealand-born. In 2006, 53 per cent of all China-born Australians lived in Sydney, a slight fall from 56 per cent in 1996. A further 27 per cent lived in Melbourne in 2006. Page 79
Another large birthplace group, the India-born, are quite dispersed. Page 80
The distribution across the capitals of the Vietnam-born is fairly similar to that of the India-born: 39 per cent live in Sydney, 36 per cent in Melbourne, 8 per cent in Brisbane, and 6 per cent in each of Adelaide and Perth. However, within Sydney and Melbourne, the Vietnam-born are much more concentrated than the India-born. Page 81
The Italy-born are relatively dispersed, with 22 per cent living in Sydney, 37 per cent in Melbourne, 10 per cent in Adelaide, 9 per cent in Perth and 3 per cent in Brisbane. Page 81
Unlike the groups already discussed, the Lebanon-born are concentrated in one city, Sydney, where 73 per cent of the Lebanon-born live. Page 82
Australian Greeks live primarily in three cities: Melbourne (47 per cent), Sydney (29 per cent) and Adelaide (9 per cent). Page 83
That assumption privileged southern English middle-class culture as the ideal, despite the reality that most Australians were of working-class origin and the majority did not come from southern England, or indeed come from England at all. Page 92
To many, multiculturalism—with its concomitant emphasis on ‘tolerance’ of difference—was a gentler form of assimilation and incorporation. Page 96
For many years, Australian multiculturalism was limited in its vision by two concepts. One was that language was the most important indicator of culture, once physical appearance was officially discounted. The other was that quaint, amusing and enjoyable aspects of other cultures— such as dance, music, national dress and, above all, food—could be preserved for the entertainment of the majority population, while other aspects, such as different politics, religion, family structures, gender relations and lifestyles, would wither.
Page 96
Racism based on physical appearance continued to appeal to young, uneducated males, as underlined by the Cronulla beach riot of 2005 and violence in some British cities. Page 98
There are 30 federal electorates in which 25 per cent or more of the population use a language other than English in the home. Of these, all but one returned the Labor candidate in 2007. Page 101
The ‘ethnic constituency’ is made up from a great variety of backgrounds. Elderly Eastern European former refugees from communism are generally accepted to be conservative. They are a declining element. Southern Europeans (Italians, Greeks, Maltese, Macedonians) are generally regarded as pro-Labor but are also ageing. The politics of more recent immigrants from Asia and the Middle East have scarcely been analysed at all, a major failing of Australian research. Page 101-2
Only 10 per cent of the House of Representatives’ members elected in 2007 were of ‘non-English-speaking birth or recent descent’, compared with 24 per cent of the total population of overseas birth, with another 19 per cent with both parents overseas-born. Page 102
The attempt to understand Australian public opinion is hindered by a lack of systematic polling. Page 106
A key question relating to perception of social justice asked respondents whether they saw Australia as ‘a land of economic opportunity where in the long run hard work brings a better life’. Some 80 per cent of respondents agreed with this view, while a relatively small minority, 16 per cent, disagreed. Page 119
Within the high negative range, a question concerning income distribution found that a large majority of respondents agreed (77 per cent) that ‘the gap between those with high incomes and those with low incomes is too large’. Page 120
In response to the proposition that immigrants are good for a country’s economy, 70.8 per cent of Australians and 60.5 per cent of Canadians were in agreement, compared with 21.9 per cent of Britons and 28.6 per cent of Germans. Page 124
It is a feature of Australian opinion that, while there is the possibility of high levels of support for immigration in times of economic prosperity, there is a very strong negative reaction in the context of mounting unemployment. There is also a consistently low level of tolerance for what is seen as unregulated immigration and threats to national sovereignty. Page 128
Funding to immigrant groups is an issue easily politicised, reflected in the cautious approach of governments in recent years. Multiculturalism is difficult to sell in the electorate, although strongly favoured within many immigrant communities. Page 129
Australia is certainly not the most multicultural society in the world and there is little likelihood of it becoming so in the foreseeable future. However, it does contain significant populations which would not have been accepted in the past. Page 158
There are two possible models for managing the increasing ethnic diversity of Australia society. One asserts the rights of the majority over minorities. The other works for compromise and cooperation. In our view, the second model makes a lot more sense in the modern world. Page 158
This is a very interesting book. There is little question that there has been a fundamental revolution in Australia’s immigration policies – but what seems mostly remarkable is that this has happened more or less outside of the awareness of the Australian public. As the authors make clear, immigration is generally tolerated in times of economic prosperity, but that the need to continue to grow Australia’s population – given Australians, like most first world countries, don’t have children in large enough numbers – means we must increase immigration all of the time. Because there has been no real debate on these issues, and, in fact, it has sometimes been cynically used by politicians to score cheap points off each other, rather than people gaining ‘understanding’ they are much more likely to react according to the prevailing level of sunshine.
This book is particularly good as it gives an indication of how Australia fits within the global community and in relation to other nation states and their policies. The whole notion of a nation state is fundamentally changing. It means different things depending on who you are. If you have a job or skills that are in high demand, it is relatively easy for you to become a ‘citizen of the world’. That is, there are ‘temporary’ visas you can apply for and you can travel now pretty well anywhere in the world cheaply and easily. Then there is also the Internet and other communication technologies which make it infinitely easier to be away from people you love than was true at any other time in history. One of my favourite lines about Australia is from Robert Hughes when he said that being transported here was worse than being transported to the moon, as at least you could generally see the moon from England intermittently. Now, you are essentially a day away and always available on Skype.
But this means you don’t really need to set down roots in the country you have decided to go and work in. There are, therefore, a class of people who are perpetual tourists in places. This is quite a change for Australia. The only people who really came here in the past were intending to stay for good. It might not have really been a literal life sentence, but I think most people who came here assumed they weren’t going back. That meant that through the homesickness there was also a desire to fit in. Which was also something that matched the local view that strangers needed to assimilate.
And this has been more or less the case throughout Australia’s history. There are suburbs where waves of previous migrants have settled, but as is shown in some of the statistics here, there have been no ghettos where people have been forced to stay and by the second generation ethnic groups tend to disperse anyway, either moving up to more middle class suburbs or to outer suburbs according to housing affordability. There are hardly any suburbs which have more than 15% of their population from a single ethnicity – even when they may have a majority of residents from non-English speaking backgrounds.
For most of Australia’s history immigration has played a major role, but we have had the luxury of being very choosy. We could become the whitest nation on earth for a while with a White Australia policy – but the world is increasingly a different place. All advanced countries are struggling with the problem of an ageing population. This will have major impacts on economic growth and so advanced countries seek to draw in people from other nations to fill the gap. This is becoming less likely from Britain or Europe – what had been our major areas of supply in the past. The problem is also that we are a post-industrial society – the book claims that worker productivity in Australia is six times that of Asia and twelve times that of Africa. This means we need to draw in educated migrants – drawing brains, rather than having them drained from us, something that is also happening in tandem.
But Australia isn’t the only country in this situation. As I said, the rest of the developed world is facing exactly the same problems. So, there is a competition for these highly prized migrants. For this reason we have relaxed our requirements that people come here willing to become permanent citizens. But if life is a series of contradictions, then this is happening at a time of increasingly nationalism in Australia, particularly among young males who are feeling increasingly disenfranchised.
The real difficulty is in knowing what Australians really think about these changes. There is a kind of political double-speak going on by both major parties. By whipping up fear against a trickle of asylum seekers they can look like they are ‘tough on immigration’, while in fact record numbers of people are migrating to Australia.
One of the most disturbing findings from the surveys quoted in this book is that Australia’s really don’t like the idea that immigrants might get ‘something for nothing’ – which then means it is very hard for governments to provide effective services to newly arrived immigrants or do anything to help these people keep their native languages – no matter how useful this might be to Australia. But immigrants generally need support in the first couple of years so that they can get on their feet and it is really in the long-term interests of everyone that we make this process as painless as possible. But, again, since we refuse to have the discussion people see giving this kind of assistance to others are somehow rorting the system.
This will continue to be a running sore in Australian politics, with both sides ‘dog-whistling’ one tune while behaving in the exact opposite way in practice. Even a racist old fart like John Howard ultimately was forced by circumstance to accept a version of multiculturalism, a word he refused to let pass his lips for a while. It is depressing that in a democracy politicians tend to appeal to the lowest common denominator while refusing to believe rational discussion and leadership on issues in the nation’s interest have any real hope of success.
Some quotes:
Australia was not only facing a shortage of skilled workers; there was an emerging shortage of the semi-skilled and unskilled. The nature of work had changed: workers were now mobile across international borders. Unlike the immigrants of an earlier generation, many did not come to Australia as permanent settlers. Page xii
Given that immigration was running at near-record levels in the months leading to the onset of recession, a very large program was being maintained. Page xiii
Australian governments typically respond to economic downturns by cutting immigration, prioritising short-term considerations over long-term need. Page xiv
While multiculturalism came under attack from the conservative parties, the party system remained largely impervious to new movements critical of immigration and ethnic diversity, in contrast to Europe where openly racist parties have established small parliamentary bridgeheads. Page xviii
Howard policy was to minimise public discussion and, despite signals to the contrary from Minister Evans, the Rudd government in its first period of office was continuing the same approach. This approach seems to be unviable in the long term. Page xix
Public discussion focuses on the number of immigrants reaching Australia. But of greater significance is the increasing arrival of temporary or ‘guest workers’, a radical shift in the balance from permanent to temporary immigration. Page 4
Once Australia and the handful of other nations seeking to recruit immigrants were to a very large extent able to determine the terms of the immigration market; however, in the last decade, and prior to the impact of the global financial crisis, the number of countries seeking to recruit immigrants greatly increased, leading to a mounting competition for skilled workers. Page 4
Economic growth in Australia, dependent on capacity to meet labour requirements, will necessitate a continuing large immigration program. Page 5
Since World War II there have been two revolutions in the composition of the immigration intake. The first occurred in the 1950s, marking a shift from an intake in which over 80 per cent of immigrants came from the United Kingdom to one where immigrants from continental Europe became the majority; the second occurred over the last 30 years, resulting in the largest proportion of immigrants being drawn from Australia’s region, Asia and Oceania. Page 5
It is a general rule that most immigrants arrive from the receiving country’s region. Page 6
To think in terms of one Asian entity, to discuss—as some have done—a supposed ‘Asianisation’ of Australia, is to betray an ignorance of the rich complexity of cultures and peoples in regions comprising more than half the world’s population. Page 6
Education is now Australia’s third largest export earner. Page 11
Relative to the size of their populations, Australia and Canada recruit the highest proportion of their skilled workforce through immigration—around 11 per cent of their skilled working-age population. Page 13
The immigrant now possesses enhanced resources for self-sufficiency, with a lessened need to adjust to and integrate or assimilate to the norms and customs of the host society. He or she has more power in determining the extent and level of interaction. Page 15
Today, productivity levels in developed countries, in terms of value added per person employed, are six times higher than in Asia and twelve times higher than in Africa. The relative economic well-being of Western nations in the recent past has been a product of both labour force growth and productivity improvement. Page 22
Australia and Switzerland have the highest percentages of their populations born overseas—almost one in four persons in these two countries is born overseas. Page 32
The European situation suggests that the nation state has lost its appeal to the controlling elites, but still finds support among sections of the masses. Page 44
Between 1971 and 2006, the numbers from Asia grew by almost ten times, from Africa by more than four times, from both Latin America and the Pacific by more than seven times and from New Zealand by more than five times. Page 56
Since 1788, about 32 million people have lived in Australia; of these, 22 million—or 69 per cent—were born in Australia and 10 million—or 31 per cent—immigrated to Australia on a permanent or long-term basis. Page 57
New Zealanders, together with 457 visa holders, overseas students and working holiday makers, constitute a temporary population of almost a million, most of whom have work rights in Australia. Page 64
Migration is the only way that Australia can meet labour demands effectively in the medium and long term. As a result, Australia’s population will grow rapidly. Population growth in turn has a multiplier effect upon the demand for labour. The additional population must be fed, clothed, housed and generally serviced. Page 67
Concentration of newly arrived immigrant groups in particular localities can assist their integration into Australian society because they can draw on familiar support networks as they adjust to life in Australia. Page 70
The United Kingdom-born are widely dispersed across Australia. Page 77
The China-born are much more concentrated than the UK-born or the New Zealand-born. In 2006, 53 per cent of all China-born Australians lived in Sydney, a slight fall from 56 per cent in 1996. A further 27 per cent lived in Melbourne in 2006. Page 79
Another large birthplace group, the India-born, are quite dispersed. Page 80
The distribution across the capitals of the Vietnam-born is fairly similar to that of the India-born: 39 per cent live in Sydney, 36 per cent in Melbourne, 8 per cent in Brisbane, and 6 per cent in each of Adelaide and Perth. However, within Sydney and Melbourne, the Vietnam-born are much more concentrated than the India-born. Page 81
The Italy-born are relatively dispersed, with 22 per cent living in Sydney, 37 per cent in Melbourne, 10 per cent in Adelaide, 9 per cent in Perth and 3 per cent in Brisbane. Page 81
Unlike the groups already discussed, the Lebanon-born are concentrated in one city, Sydney, where 73 per cent of the Lebanon-born live. Page 82
Australian Greeks live primarily in three cities: Melbourne (47 per cent), Sydney (29 per cent) and Adelaide (9 per cent). Page 83
That assumption privileged southern English middle-class culture as the ideal, despite the reality that most Australians were of working-class origin and the majority did not come from southern England, or indeed come from England at all. Page 92
To many, multiculturalism—with its concomitant emphasis on ‘tolerance’ of difference—was a gentler form of assimilation and incorporation. Page 96
For many years, Australian multiculturalism was limited in its vision by two concepts. One was that language was the most important indicator of culture, once physical appearance was officially discounted. The other was that quaint, amusing and enjoyable aspects of other cultures— such as dance, music, national dress and, above all, food—could be preserved for the entertainment of the majority population, while other aspects, such as different politics, religion, family structures, gender relations and lifestyles, would wither.
Page 96
Racism based on physical appearance continued to appeal to young, uneducated males, as underlined by the Cronulla beach riot of 2005 and violence in some British cities. Page 98
There are 30 federal electorates in which 25 per cent or more of the population use a language other than English in the home. Of these, all but one returned the Labor candidate in 2007. Page 101
The ‘ethnic constituency’ is made up from a great variety of backgrounds. Elderly Eastern European former refugees from communism are generally accepted to be conservative. They are a declining element. Southern Europeans (Italians, Greeks, Maltese, Macedonians) are generally regarded as pro-Labor but are also ageing. The politics of more recent immigrants from Asia and the Middle East have scarcely been analysed at all, a major failing of Australian research. Page 101-2
Only 10 per cent of the House of Representatives’ members elected in 2007 were of ‘non-English-speaking birth or recent descent’, compared with 24 per cent of the total population of overseas birth, with another 19 per cent with both parents overseas-born. Page 102
The attempt to understand Australian public opinion is hindered by a lack of systematic polling. Page 106
A key question relating to perception of social justice asked respondents whether they saw Australia as ‘a land of economic opportunity where in the long run hard work brings a better life’. Some 80 per cent of respondents agreed with this view, while a relatively small minority, 16 per cent, disagreed. Page 119
Within the high negative range, a question concerning income distribution found that a large majority of respondents agreed (77 per cent) that ‘the gap between those with high incomes and those with low incomes is too large’. Page 120
In response to the proposition that immigrants are good for a country’s economy, 70.8 per cent of Australians and 60.5 per cent of Canadians were in agreement, compared with 21.9 per cent of Britons and 28.6 per cent of Germans. Page 124
It is a feature of Australian opinion that, while there is the possibility of high levels of support for immigration in times of economic prosperity, there is a very strong negative reaction in the context of mounting unemployment. There is also a consistently low level of tolerance for what is seen as unregulated immigration and threats to national sovereignty. Page 128
Funding to immigrant groups is an issue easily politicised, reflected in the cautious approach of governments in recent years. Multiculturalism is difficult to sell in the electorate, although strongly favoured within many immigrant communities. Page 129
Australia is certainly not the most multicultural society in the world and there is little likelihood of it becoming so in the foreseeable future. However, it does contain significant populations which would not have been accepted in the past. Page 158
There are two possible models for managing the increasing ethnic diversity of Australia society. One asserts the rights of the majority over minorities. The other works for compromise and cooperation. In our view, the second model makes a lot more sense in the modern world. Page 158
November 5, 2023
I can't say that I can really fairly review Australia's Immigration Revolution. I read it very piecemeal over six months and towards the end, was just keen to finish. That's not a reflection of the book, but a reflection on me. It was easy enough to engage with when I did pick up the book... but I wasn't picking up the book.
I unfortunately didn't realise before starting it, but the book was published nearly fifteen years ago, so doesn't cover the recent significant changes and events in Australia immigration policy. However, it still gave plenty of insights into how Australian immigration policy was built up to that point and provided enough tools for a reader to fill in the blanks for the trajectory of the 2010s. It also included some cool insights into stances on multiculturalism in Australia—we all seem to love it and describe ourselves that way, but when faced with specific policies that encourage multiculturalism and maintenance of other cultures, Australians shy away.
I unfortunately didn't realise before starting it, but the book was published nearly fifteen years ago, so doesn't cover the recent significant changes and events in Australia immigration policy. However, it still gave plenty of insights into how Australian immigration policy was built up to that point and provided enough tools for a reader to fill in the blanks for the trajectory of the 2010s. It also included some cool insights into stances on multiculturalism in Australia—we all seem to love it and describe ourselves that way, but when faced with specific policies that encourage multiculturalism and maintenance of other cultures, Australians shy away.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews