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Fighting Fascism: How to Struggle and How to Win
Clara Zetkin, an organizer of the First International Women’s Day, presented this Report and Resolution on fascism at the June 1923 enlarged plenum of the Communist International’s executive committee. At a time when fascism was a new and little-understood phenomenon, Zetkin’s work proposed a sweeping plan for the unity of all victims of capitalism in an ideological and political campaign against the fascist danger.
130 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1923
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About the author
Clara Zetkin
84 books62 followersClara Josephine Zetkin née Eißner (5 July 1857 – 20 June 1933) was a German Marxist theorist, activist, politician and advocate for women's rights.
Until 1917, she was active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany, then she joined the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) and its far-left wing, the Spartacist League; this later became the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), which she represented in the Reichstag during the Weimar Republic from 1920 to 1933.
Until 1917, she was active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany, then she joined the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) and its far-left wing, the Spartacist League; this later became the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), which she represented in the Reichstag during the Weimar Republic from 1920 to 1933.
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July 5, 2025
‘There can be no wavering, no backing down. We must undertake the struggle against fascism with vigor from the very first moment.’
Composed of several works and reports written in 1923 by German Marxist Clara Zetkin, Fighting fascism: How to Struggle and How to Win is an essential historical look at the rise of fascism and ideas on dismantling it that still reverberates today. Compiled by Haymarket Books, this is a brief book that focuses on the rise of Benito Mussolini to create a model on accessing fascism, and will give you plenty to ponder. Zetkin’s unique positions and approaches will be interesting even to those with a general sense of the topic already. While there is quite a bit of cross-over discussions over the three primary works, each constructs a larger model of what fascism is, how it comes to power, and what actions must be taken to stop it. Zetkin announces fascism as the natural product of capitalism, a force that is employed when threatened by progressive movements or during times of economic hardships, and she views it less as reactionary to worker’s movements and proletariat gains but as ‘punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution,’ or, simply put, it is the revenge of not thoroughly and effectively eliminating capitalist oppression. She argues that we can better overcome it if ‘we grasp its essential character and how that character is expressed,’ and if people put up a united, international front and this book is a worthwhile primer in identifying, understanding, and working against fascism.
‘Fascism is the expression of the economic decay of capitalism and the disintegration of the bourgeois state.’
Zetkin is an interesting figure worth reading about, who hung out with Rosa Luxemburg, spoke internationally against the threat of fascism, and was called a ‘slut’ in the press by Joseph Gobbels after a 1932 speech against fascism in German. As these works were written in 1923, the primarily concern fascism in Italy (there is an interesting aside where she warns the economic turmoil in Germany may be a breeding ground for it to spread), but it functions as a useful portrait of the ideology at large. She has many key ideas on how fascism takes root. She argues it is ‘inextricably tied to the economic crisis of capitalism and the decline of its institutions,’ and a shrinking middle class being pushed down into the lower class. Attacks on the working class, particularly in response to worker’s movements, will cause the petty-bourgeois to distance themselves despite having a stronger class affinity with lower classes than the upper echelons that oppress them (think, for example, the lower-middle class defending against taxing billionaires despite these taxes not affecting them). A crumbling or threatened capitalist economy will also lead them to abandon the proletariat for the bourgeois.
‘Masses in their thousands streamed to fascism. It became an asylum for all the politically homeless, the socially uprooted, the destitute and disillusioned.’
She sees fascism as positioning itself as a place for those who see themselves as without a party or wanting to ‘escape from deep anguish of the soul,’ and warns that the failures of a worker’s revolution will lead to fascism, not as a reaction but as punishment. fascism rises when people become disenfranchised by progressive movements not moving swiftly or thoroughly enough, and Zetkin warns that ‘Liberal procapitalist forces frequently suggest that if fascist figures are just ignored, they will go away.’ Those who are not initially adversely affected will abandon progressivism in hopes that the fascist uprising will leave them alone, not be that bad, or that it will work itself out into some quiet normalcy. Obviously she warns against this line of thinking.
She charts Mussolini’s rise to power in order to demonstrate this, and sees the failures of the communist party to overcome the Italian bourgeois as a major aspect of his rise. As discussed in detail in How Democracies Die: What History Reveals About Our Future by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, weak governments assume that if they give the fascisms space to put down the uprisings or complaints they feel are harming the economy, they will be able to control them. ‘The prosecutors let all this take place without regard to law and justice,’ Zetkin writes, in a chilling reminder that the police will not protect citizens against fascism and, likely, will be a supporting force. Zetkin shows how, once in power, fascism’s promises of a better country for all and what it actually delivers are two different things. ‘Fascism brings the bourgeoisie lower taxes, increased possibilities for tax evasion, and fat contracts,’ she writes, and shows how promises of election reforms removed democracy and Mussolini failed on his promise to grant women voting rights.
‘To garner support, fascist movements play on resentment.’
It is seen how social and economic crises pave the way for fascism, though Zetkin also shows how instead of addressing the failures of capitalism that lead to it, it finds scapegoats. Historically it has bolstered itself on demonizing, Jews, Black people, immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community (especially the trans community as we are seeing right now in the United States), and always women. Dr. Kate Manne discusses at length in her two books how ‘misogyny as the system that polices and enforces [patriarchal] governing norms and expectations,’ a line can easily be drawn that patriarchy is a functioning limb of authoritarianism, always ready to scapegoat women in order to drum up authoritarian enforcement. For Zetkin, fascism is the refusal to allow a better, equitable world, and instead of delivering on the promises it propagates to it’s followers, it inevitably leads to bureaucracy and violent class warfare that eliminates the scapegoats and further oppresses the working class in the name of nationalism. ‘Its goal is to recast the old bourgeois “democratic” state into a fascist state based on violence.’
‘How can we offer the masses more than just defense of their bread?’
So, what is to be done? Zetkin says we should first look at the cracks that will inevitably form in fascist ranks. Its formation will create ‘conflicts between the old established bureaucracy and the new fascist one; between the standing army with its officer corps and the new militia with its leaders,’ and the working class will quickly see they do not have a seat at the table. She cites mass layoffs, such as ‘17,000 railway workers’ following the fascist coup, and highlights these as people to reach out to. Her goal is to create a united front, from people of all walks. ‘We must go to them with conviction and understanding for their condition and their fiery longing, work among them, and show them a solution.’ She argues that only through a united, international front can fascism be overcome. She calls for an international boycott of Italian industries, but also to provide ‘material and moral support of the persecuted working class of Italy.’ Ensuring that the proletariat sees a solution and a way towards a government for and by the working class is the only way, she argues.
‘A special structure to lead the struggle against fascism, made up of workers’ parties and organizations of every viewpoint, must be formed in every country.’
Education is extremely important, Zetkin writes, and mass education. Also the advancement of public institutions. Also, guns. Zetkin is not non-violent and calls for ‘self-defense of the workers, in order to confront force with force,’ to ‘meet violence with violence,’ and says that ‘weapons in the hands of the working class mean the disarming, the overpowering of the bourgeoisie.’ Personally I’m not into violence, but I see her point, though she also writes that ‘military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically.’ This united front must come from everyone and on all sides, fighting in the streets, fighting for political office, fighting intellectually, and at all times educating the public against fascism and towards a better future. For Zetkin, this is Marxism.
I do suspect many will come to this book thinking it is going to give guidelines how to fight fascism in our current day and age. But it is not a one-to-one ratio of 1920s Italy and wherever you are currently hoping to resist mounting fascism. Zetkin tells us this herself, writing ‘it is evident that fascism has different characteristics in every country, based on specific circumstances.’ Also not one text will have all the answers. Though a bit of applied knowledge here goes a long way. Unfortunately, Zetkin never talks about coalition building between race, focusing entirely on social class and worker’s industries, but for someone looking at a really good primer on coalition building for the purpose of an anti-capitalist united front I would recommend Emma Dabiri’s What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition. An aspect I really enjoyed about Zetkin is her focus on inclusion of women in movements and an insistence that ‘they must not be absent from the united front of working people.’ Is this a perfect book? No. But is it a fascinating and useful historical context? Yes and some. Clara Zetkin is very accessible and very interesting, and I would recommend spending a quick evening read with this book.
⅘
Composed of several works and reports written in 1923 by German Marxist Clara Zetkin, Fighting fascism: How to Struggle and How to Win is an essential historical look at the rise of fascism and ideas on dismantling it that still reverberates today. Compiled by Haymarket Books, this is a brief book that focuses on the rise of Benito Mussolini to create a model on accessing fascism, and will give you plenty to ponder. Zetkin’s unique positions and approaches will be interesting even to those with a general sense of the topic already. While there is quite a bit of cross-over discussions over the three primary works, each constructs a larger model of what fascism is, how it comes to power, and what actions must be taken to stop it. Zetkin announces fascism as the natural product of capitalism, a force that is employed when threatened by progressive movements or during times of economic hardships, and she views it less as reactionary to worker’s movements and proletariat gains but as ‘punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution,’ or, simply put, it is the revenge of not thoroughly and effectively eliminating capitalist oppression. She argues that we can better overcome it if ‘we grasp its essential character and how that character is expressed,’ and if people put up a united, international front and this book is a worthwhile primer in identifying, understanding, and working against fascism.
‘Fascism is the expression of the economic decay of capitalism and the disintegration of the bourgeois state.’
Zetkin is an interesting figure worth reading about, who hung out with Rosa Luxemburg, spoke internationally against the threat of fascism, and was called a ‘slut’ in the press by Joseph Gobbels after a 1932 speech against fascism in German. As these works were written in 1923, the primarily concern fascism in Italy (there is an interesting aside where she warns the economic turmoil in Germany may be a breeding ground for it to spread), but it functions as a useful portrait of the ideology at large. She has many key ideas on how fascism takes root. She argues it is ‘inextricably tied to the economic crisis of capitalism and the decline of its institutions,’ and a shrinking middle class being pushed down into the lower class. Attacks on the working class, particularly in response to worker’s movements, will cause the petty-bourgeois to distance themselves despite having a stronger class affinity with lower classes than the upper echelons that oppress them (think, for example, the lower-middle class defending against taxing billionaires despite these taxes not affecting them). A crumbling or threatened capitalist economy will also lead them to abandon the proletariat for the bourgeois.
‘Masses in their thousands streamed to fascism. It became an asylum for all the politically homeless, the socially uprooted, the destitute and disillusioned.’
She sees fascism as positioning itself as a place for those who see themselves as without a party or wanting to ‘escape from deep anguish of the soul,’ and warns that the failures of a worker’s revolution will lead to fascism, not as a reaction but as punishment. fascism rises when people become disenfranchised by progressive movements not moving swiftly or thoroughly enough, and Zetkin warns that ‘Liberal procapitalist forces frequently suggest that if fascist figures are just ignored, they will go away.’ Those who are not initially adversely affected will abandon progressivism in hopes that the fascist uprising will leave them alone, not be that bad, or that it will work itself out into some quiet normalcy. Obviously she warns against this line of thinking.
She charts Mussolini’s rise to power in order to demonstrate this, and sees the failures of the communist party to overcome the Italian bourgeois as a major aspect of his rise. As discussed in detail in How Democracies Die: What History Reveals About Our Future by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, weak governments assume that if they give the fascisms space to put down the uprisings or complaints they feel are harming the economy, they will be able to control them. ‘The prosecutors let all this take place without regard to law and justice,’ Zetkin writes, in a chilling reminder that the police will not protect citizens against fascism and, likely, will be a supporting force. Zetkin shows how, once in power, fascism’s promises of a better country for all and what it actually delivers are two different things. ‘Fascism brings the bourgeoisie lower taxes, increased possibilities for tax evasion, and fat contracts,’ she writes, and shows how promises of election reforms removed democracy and Mussolini failed on his promise to grant women voting rights.
‘To garner support, fascist movements play on resentment.’
It is seen how social and economic crises pave the way for fascism, though Zetkin also shows how instead of addressing the failures of capitalism that lead to it, it finds scapegoats. Historically it has bolstered itself on demonizing, Jews, Black people, immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community (especially the trans community as we are seeing right now in the United States), and always women. Dr. Kate Manne discusses at length in her two books how ‘misogyny as the system that polices and enforces [patriarchal] governing norms and expectations,’ a line can easily be drawn that patriarchy is a functioning limb of authoritarianism, always ready to scapegoat women in order to drum up authoritarian enforcement. For Zetkin, fascism is the refusal to allow a better, equitable world, and instead of delivering on the promises it propagates to it’s followers, it inevitably leads to bureaucracy and violent class warfare that eliminates the scapegoats and further oppresses the working class in the name of nationalism. ‘Its goal is to recast the old bourgeois “democratic” state into a fascist state based on violence.’
‘How can we offer the masses more than just defense of their bread?’
So, what is to be done? Zetkin says we should first look at the cracks that will inevitably form in fascist ranks. Its formation will create ‘conflicts between the old established bureaucracy and the new fascist one; between the standing army with its officer corps and the new militia with its leaders,’ and the working class will quickly see they do not have a seat at the table. She cites mass layoffs, such as ‘17,000 railway workers’ following the fascist coup, and highlights these as people to reach out to. Her goal is to create a united front, from people of all walks. ‘We must go to them with conviction and understanding for their condition and their fiery longing, work among them, and show them a solution.’ She argues that only through a united, international front can fascism be overcome. She calls for an international boycott of Italian industries, but also to provide ‘material and moral support of the persecuted working class of Italy.’ Ensuring that the proletariat sees a solution and a way towards a government for and by the working class is the only way, she argues.
‘A special structure to lead the struggle against fascism, made up of workers’ parties and organizations of every viewpoint, must be formed in every country.’
Education is extremely important, Zetkin writes, and mass education. Also the advancement of public institutions. Also, guns. Zetkin is not non-violent and calls for ‘self-defense of the workers, in order to confront force with force,’ to ‘meet violence with violence,’ and says that ‘weapons in the hands of the working class mean the disarming, the overpowering of the bourgeoisie.’ Personally I’m not into violence, but I see her point, though she also writes that ‘military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically.’ This united front must come from everyone and on all sides, fighting in the streets, fighting for political office, fighting intellectually, and at all times educating the public against fascism and towards a better future. For Zetkin, this is Marxism.
I do suspect many will come to this book thinking it is going to give guidelines how to fight fascism in our current day and age. But it is not a one-to-one ratio of 1920s Italy and wherever you are currently hoping to resist mounting fascism. Zetkin tells us this herself, writing ‘it is evident that fascism has different characteristics in every country, based on specific circumstances.’ Also not one text will have all the answers. Though a bit of applied knowledge here goes a long way. Unfortunately, Zetkin never talks about coalition building between race, focusing entirely on social class and worker’s industries, but for someone looking at a really good primer on coalition building for the purpose of an anti-capitalist united front I would recommend Emma Dabiri’s What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition. An aspect I really enjoyed about Zetkin is her focus on inclusion of women in movements and an insistence that ‘they must not be absent from the united front of working people.’ Is this a perfect book? No. But is it a fascinating and useful historical context? Yes and some. Clara Zetkin is very accessible and very interesting, and I would recommend spending a quick evening read with this book.
⅘
December 2, 2017
Vital reading.
“Fascism does not ask if the worker in the factory has a soul painted in the white and blue colors of Bavaria; or is inspired by the black, red, and gold colors of the bourgeois republic; or by the red banner with the hammer and sickle. It does not ask whether the worker wants to restore the Wittelsbach dynasty, is an enthusiastic fan of Ebert, or would prefer to see our friend Brandler as president of the German Soviet Republic. All that matters to fascism is that they encounter a class-conscious proletarian, and then they club him to the ground. That is why workers must come together for struggle without distinctions of party or trade-union affiliation.” -Clara Zetkin
“Fascism does not ask if the worker in the factory has a soul painted in the white and blue colors of Bavaria; or is inspired by the black, red, and gold colors of the bourgeois republic; or by the red banner with the hammer and sickle. It does not ask whether the worker wants to restore the Wittelsbach dynasty, is an enthusiastic fan of Ebert, or would prefer to see our friend Brandler as president of the German Soviet Republic. All that matters to fascism is that they encounter a class-conscious proletarian, and then they club him to the ground. That is why workers must come together for struggle without distinctions of party or trade-union affiliation.” -Clara Zetkin
May 17, 2018
Great for its historical relevance, but doesn't offer much in how to combat fascism today. The texts deal primarily with the rise of Italian fascism and the critique Zetkin offered from the communist point of view. The biographical section in the back was very interesting, as Zetkin was yet another revolutionary swallowed up by the Stalinist party (although she died a natural death). Like many CP members, she had to choose her words carefully while critiquing Stalinism, although she was able to get her message out intermittently.
March 8, 2021
Zetkin's analysis of fascism is top-notch and a must-read for anyone attempting to understand the phenomena of modern fascism and the orientation communists and socialists must take towards it. From fascism's social basis, pseudo-revolutionary character, and ideological degeneration, Zetkin's analysis remains one of the best to this day. Her prescribed solution: the united front (rather than popular front) also remains vitally important to undertake, with the wider weakness of the modern socialist movement.
Despite that, there are some vitally lacking material within this edition, with the contemporary introduction painting a very surface-level view of American fascism connecting it only with its most overt form of Trumpian politics, rather than even briefly mentioning how American settler-colonialism and monopoly capitalism is, at its very roots, fascistic. In addition, although the anti-Stalinism within this edition was tolerable (and sometimes even critically correct on certain positions), the uncritical adulation of Trotsky definitely made me roll my eyes.
Despite that, there are some vitally lacking material within this edition, with the contemporary introduction painting a very surface-level view of American fascism connecting it only with its most overt form of Trumpian politics, rather than even briefly mentioning how American settler-colonialism and monopoly capitalism is, at its very roots, fascistic. In addition, although the anti-Stalinism within this edition was tolerable (and sometimes even critically correct on certain positions), the uncritical adulation of Trotsky definitely made me roll my eyes.
July 10, 2025
quina clarividència i quina por com ressonen les paraules de zetkin avui. a part d’això, he trobat l’edició una mica repetitiva.
January 10, 2019
Clara Zetkin wrote the main work in this book in 1923. At that point in time, Mussolini had been in power for 4 years and fascism was spreading. Zetkin, a Communist, had a plan. She first described the elements of fascism and the spread of fascism in Italy. Notably, fascism always begins with the frustration of the working class -- exactly what led to the election of Trump, who has been compared by those who study fascism to historical fascists (there's a little about this in the introduction). Zetkin pointed out where the fight against fascism in Italy had gone wrong, what the fascists promised and how their promises had not only fallen flat but often rights were taken away, workers' hours made longer and pay reduced, the rich became richer and corporations more corrupt, promises were broken consistently.
Her main suggestions were that people needed to be educated about fascism at all levels and that the masses needed to unite in protest and prepare for violent response to fascists, who were already killing and imprisoning those who spoke out against them. She said ideology and politics were less important than unity, that it would take a strong, united front to defeat the growing movement.
Unfortunately, the book eventually goes on to describe how her platform was adopted and then rejected. The movement splintered and weakened because of it. And, just after her last speech, where Nazis were waiting and wanted to kill her (she was ill and nearly blind), she died. That was 1933. We all know what happened, after that point.
Zetkin stressed that it would be easy for most people to just keep their heads down and try to get through fascism but defeating fascists can't work without strength in numbers. And, then she had to watch her predictions come true.
Sad from a historical viewpoint but also very informative. I'd like to see this particular book written in common language, so that people who don't understand words such as "proletariat" and "bourgeoisie" could understand it. Zetkin herself recognized that peasants in Germany and elsewhere would not understand the terminology and one of her suggestions was to print brochures and books that would explain fascism and how to fight it for *all levels* of education.
It's pretty amazing that Clara Zetkin survived to die of old age. There's a glossary of important characters and organizations in the book and many of the characters described were killed for their activism.
Her main suggestions were that people needed to be educated about fascism at all levels and that the masses needed to unite in protest and prepare for violent response to fascists, who were already killing and imprisoning those who spoke out against them. She said ideology and politics were less important than unity, that it would take a strong, united front to defeat the growing movement.
Unfortunately, the book eventually goes on to describe how her platform was adopted and then rejected. The movement splintered and weakened because of it. And, just after her last speech, where Nazis were waiting and wanted to kill her (she was ill and nearly blind), she died. That was 1933. We all know what happened, after that point.
Zetkin stressed that it would be easy for most people to just keep their heads down and try to get through fascism but defeating fascists can't work without strength in numbers. And, then she had to watch her predictions come true.
Sad from a historical viewpoint but also very informative. I'd like to see this particular book written in common language, so that people who don't understand words such as "proletariat" and "bourgeoisie" could understand it. Zetkin herself recognized that peasants in Germany and elsewhere would not understand the terminology and one of her suggestions was to print brochures and books that would explain fascism and how to fight it for *all levels* of education.
It's pretty amazing that Clara Zetkin survived to die of old age. There's a glossary of important characters and organizations in the book and many of the characters described were killed for their activism.
July 11, 2025
subscric el que en va dir la zoe. i suposo que un dia guanyarem…
November 16, 2018
This book helped me understand the historical development and character of fascism in Europe, as well as the tactics of the left to address it, as well as why and under what circumstances those tactics fail.
Ultimately, she attributes the rise of fascism to the failure of socialists to follow through, both in implementing socialism and responding quickly and in unity to the rise of fascism. Her emphasis on stamping out fascism on first sight and on solidarity between different leftist groups seems especially pertinent to me. However, the unity she was talking about was between like social democrats and communists and I'm not quite sure how to map that onto the American political landscape when DSA is the extreme, extreme left in the minds of many Americans.
I found it difficult to follow along at times and therefore didn't get as much out of it as I hoped I would. I probably would have appreciated this book more if I had read it right after I had taken European history rather than like five years later, but the introduction to Clara Zetkin was worth racking my brain for context.
Ultimately, she attributes the rise of fascism to the failure of socialists to follow through, both in implementing socialism and responding quickly and in unity to the rise of fascism. Her emphasis on stamping out fascism on first sight and on solidarity between different leftist groups seems especially pertinent to me. However, the unity she was talking about was between like social democrats and communists and I'm not quite sure how to map that onto the American political landscape when DSA is the extreme, extreme left in the minds of many Americans.
I found it difficult to follow along at times and therefore didn't get as much out of it as I hoped I would. I probably would have appreciated this book more if I had read it right after I had taken European history rather than like five years later, but the introduction to Clara Zetkin was worth racking my brain for context.
February 14, 2021
Clara Zetkin, una dona que hauria de ser molt més coneguda ¡, va ser una d'aquelles perosnes que ens va donar una lliçó que no vam saber aprofitar. conscient dels perills del feixisme, va lluitar amb cos i ànima per aconseguir que el socialisme lluités de fornt contra el feixisme. Una dona que amb més de 70 anys, fou capaç de fer un discurs antifeixista davant d'un parlament malgrat les amenaces de no fer-la arribar viva a la tribuna. Aquest llibre és un llibre curt i interessant. Potser massa mediàtic.
September 11, 2019
A bit redundant as it goes on, but that is to be expected since the analysis of fascism and how to combat it was Zetkin's life's work and these texts are representative of different talks she gave for different assemblies over many years. It's disturbing and astounding how much of what Zetkin observed and characterized about fascism have proven themselves time and time again over history up until modern day.
November 25, 2024
Interesting if uneven read. The meat of it is Zetkin’s report on fascism, which is obviously and startlingly relevant to current politics. Zetkin attempts to diagnose and define fascism, which she sees as a corrupt and dishonest response to the left’s failure to sufficiently defeat exploitative capitalism. Critically, she dissects all the ways the fascists appealed to, and then abandoned, the working classes, and then provides a game plan for the left to fight back and recapture the hearts of the proletariat.
A lot of what she says makes sense—build a united front with other non-communist leftist parties; meet the proletariat where they’re at, with messaging and-yes-propaganda that understands their struggle and gives them something to fight for; target fascist elements that are not wholly bought in to the ideology and try to peel them off of the movement. Zetkin’s argument is eerily similar to current Democratic post-mortems following the 2024 election.
Now, of course, you could say, “Well, Zetkin was a Communist in German in the 1920-30s. They lost - why should we listen to her?” The historical postscript after her report provides a swift, helpful run through Stalin’s capture of the international communist party and purge of members, like Zetkin, who wished to build a united front with other non-communist leftist parties. It serves as a lesson on tent building for current left wing parties.
The other parts of the book - a few short appendices on material following Zetkin’s initial report on fascism - are largely duplicative of her initial report and mostly an unnecessary read.
A lot of what she says makes sense—build a united front with other non-communist leftist parties; meet the proletariat where they’re at, with messaging and-yes-propaganda that understands their struggle and gives them something to fight for; target fascist elements that are not wholly bought in to the ideology and try to peel them off of the movement. Zetkin’s argument is eerily similar to current Democratic post-mortems following the 2024 election.
Now, of course, you could say, “Well, Zetkin was a Communist in German in the 1920-30s. They lost - why should we listen to her?” The historical postscript after her report provides a swift, helpful run through Stalin’s capture of the international communist party and purge of members, like Zetkin, who wished to build a united front with other non-communist leftist parties. It serves as a lesson on tent building for current left wing parties.
The other parts of the book - a few short appendices on material following Zetkin’s initial report on fascism - are largely duplicative of her initial report and mostly an unnecessary read.
January 15, 2023
Written/transcribed from a speech 100 years ago, Zetkin outlines a political situation parallel to the modern in many ways. Fascism rises from dissatisfaction with mainline governing parties, left and right, and their inability to address the way that (capitalist) economics fails to live up to its promise for so many.
Zetkin was a member of an early Communist bloc that advocated for a wide-ranging coalition to fight what is an existential threat to society. This was stamped out by the Stalinist and dissension among the political left has been a constant for most of modern times. Had Germany gotten its act together, things may have turned out drastically differently.
Zetkin is, of course, a Communist and I am not.
Zetkin was a member of an early Communist bloc that advocated for a wide-ranging coalition to fight what is an existential threat to society. This was stamped out by the Stalinist and dissension among the political left has been a constant for most of modern times. Had Germany gotten its act together, things may have turned out drastically differently.
Zetkin is, of course, a Communist and I am not.
January 30, 2024
Startling how the analysis holds up. Not that our situation is the same, but that you can see similar tendencies in Zetkin’s careful analysis of her present. And her ability to see clearly at the time is amazing.
So glad to have more of her stuff more available now. Vital early thinker who still has a lot to offer.
So glad to have more of her stuff more available now. Vital early thinker who still has a lot to offer.
January 24, 2020
The parallels between Mussolini's rise in Italy and Trump's rise in the US are truly alarming and must not be understated.
July 17, 2019
The Nazi media called her a Communist Jew and Goebbels called her a slut and I just think she is so awesome.
February 1, 2019
Parts which Zetkin actually wrote were good, the Trotty editors not so much.
May 27, 2019
Along with the Trotsky, the Understanding Reactionary and Fascist Thought book club also read Clara Zetkin's Fighting Fascism: How to Struggle and How to Win, which is basically a reprint of her report "The Struggle Against Fascism" and the accompanying "Resolution Against Fascism," plus a few later documents in the appendices. It is therefore a little tighter when presented as a single book than the Trotsky pamphlet, and as it is a little longer, goes into a small bit more depth. It's very readable, and straightforward in a way that not all left writing is straightforward, even if not all the historical entities mentioned may be familiar to a modern reader who's not already steeped in sectarian Communist history. A recurring theme is the need for a united front against fascism, which the Stalin-controlled Comintern eventually rejected (which, it hardly needs to be said, was a big mistake). She contrasts the Marxist analysis of fascism with other views at the time, and puts forth a plan for fighting fascism on all front simultaneously.
Again, since we spent quite a while talking this out on Saturday I don't really feel like going over it all again, but suffice to say it was a quick and accessible read and I think it's a worthwhile document for modern readers to familiarize themselves with.
Originally posted at OG antifa ladies are always worth listening to.
Again, since we spent quite a while talking this out on Saturday I don't really feel like going over it all again, but suffice to say it was a quick and accessible read and I think it's a worthwhile document for modern readers to familiarize themselves with.
Originally posted at OG antifa ladies are always worth listening to.
June 4, 2025
Essential reading for anyone trying to work through the 'Is Trump a fascist' debate (with Trump a placeholder for Modi, Orban, Duterte, Meloni, and a thousand other people standing at the head of far right nationalist parties across the world).
Zetkin was a leader of the left of the German Social Democratic Party before the first world war. After that party's betrayals she went on to establish the faction that became the Communist Party and represent it in the Moscow-based Comintern. In the early 1920s the communist movement had to account for the victory of Mussolini's fascist party in Italy and to consider whether it had more general historical implications. She played a prominent role in thinking these issues through and challenged the then dominant idea that it represented nothing more than another version of the reactionary movements that were inflicting terror on populations as they stabilised capitalism in the countries were it was floundering immediately after the war.
The texts in this book centre on the report on fascism that Zetkin prepared for a plenum of the Comintern in 1923 which set out a distinct view of the fascist threat that stressed the importance of its mass character, extending deep into populati0ns whose lives were being made materially worse by the conditions that prevailed after the war. The war itself had expanded the military mindset of people who had recently been enrolled in armies, with an officer class recruited from the middle class elements with a record of hostility to socialism. In the case of Italy - the one example of a fascist movement that had attained state power at the time - a disillusionment with the left had set in because of the failure of the factory occupation movement which in 1920 had seen half a million workers seize control of their workplaces and begin the reorganisation of production under a system of workers' councils. A revolutionary situation unfolded which had parallels with the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in 1917. Italian workers lacked a comparable political leadership however and the crisis of power was brought to a close by the capitulation of the reformist PSI. In the months that followed murderous reprisals were mounted by right wing gangs against the the working class and peasant supporters of the occupations.
In Zetkin's thesis the features that distinguished fascism from run-of-the-mill reactionary politics were its mass character, extending deep into layers of the population that suffered impoverishment but which had also been disappointed by the failures of the mainstream, reformist, socialist leaderships. But to make its appeal to this mass movement the fascists utilised an explicitly anti-capitalist rhetoric which condemned the established elites for their betrayal of the nation, which was seen as the expression of the real interests of the people.
The idea of the nation displaced the conception of class, which had mobilised the workers and their peasant allies in 1920. The fascists countenanced violence against so-called anti-national forces, which included socialists of all stripes and layers of the intelligentsia. This was carried out by 'squadrons' recruited from the elements of the petty bourgeoisie who had recently served in the ranks of the armed forces. Racism also became a part of the fascist message.
As fascism became more prominent in the politics of the country a section of the capitalist class comes to appreciate its role in suppressing the working class movement and begin to finance the activities of its party and to treat with its leadership. At this point the way is open to it ascending to power, in the cases of Italy and later Germany, making using of parliamentary means. Once in power it reveals its true character, revoking promises to act in the interests of the working class by raising wages and promoting welfare, and acts in direct partnership with the leading elements of the capitalist class.
This thesis became mainstream within the communist movement but the conclusions that Zetkin drew from it were challenged and, during the notorious ultra-left 'third period' were overthrown. She was a staunch advocate of the united front tactic to combat the rise of fascism. This was to be based on an appeal to all the working class parties and trade unions, including the reformists, to agree a common platform which defined the class interest in defeating fascism. She held the view that the differences between reformist and revolutionary currents would be tested in practice but in ways that did not jeopardise the unity workers needed to combat the threat of the far right.
Lessons for today? It has been a long while since working class movements posed an effective challenge to the rule of capital in any part of the word, so the element of profound disappointment in a failed socialism does not appear to be present in any part of the world today. The element of capitalist crisis is certainly present and large sections of the populations in mature capitalist countries feel themselves deprived of the prosperity that once seemed to have been secured. This is driving support for the populist right and the basis for their appeal is strengthened by a fascist-like appeal to loyalty to the nation and hostility to its perceived enemies - ie migrants, ethnic minorities and liberal intellectuals.
All of this is comparable to the fascist movements of the 20s, 30s and 40s but the absence of a mass base for a militant socialist movement reduces the need for the street level violence that was a feature of the Italian squadrons and the Nazi Brown Shirts. The authority of established state organs for the time being seems to be quite sufficient to keep dissent under control and this in turn moderates the militancy of far right political parties once they obtain power. In Italy and Germany the fascist governments swerved in a more radical direction after attaining government power, moving to reconstruct the state and render illegal all oppositi0n to their authority. It Trump, Meloni, et al are to move in ways that can be unambiguously defined as fascist we will have to see whether they can sustain their radicalism and commence this process of state reconstruction as they build their governments. There are some indications of how this might be done in the cases of Narendra Modi in India and Victor Orban in Hungary, but also of a continuing capacity of the liberal-democratic state to resist the worst. If we are to move in a fully blown fascist direction the forces that sustain this liberal-democratic component will have to be overthrown. Regretably, this is not entirely out of the question.
Zetkin was a leader of the left of the German Social Democratic Party before the first world war. After that party's betrayals she went on to establish the faction that became the Communist Party and represent it in the Moscow-based Comintern. In the early 1920s the communist movement had to account for the victory of Mussolini's fascist party in Italy and to consider whether it had more general historical implications. She played a prominent role in thinking these issues through and challenged the then dominant idea that it represented nothing more than another version of the reactionary movements that were inflicting terror on populations as they stabilised capitalism in the countries were it was floundering immediately after the war.
The texts in this book centre on the report on fascism that Zetkin prepared for a plenum of the Comintern in 1923 which set out a distinct view of the fascist threat that stressed the importance of its mass character, extending deep into populati0ns whose lives were being made materially worse by the conditions that prevailed after the war. The war itself had expanded the military mindset of people who had recently been enrolled in armies, with an officer class recruited from the middle class elements with a record of hostility to socialism. In the case of Italy - the one example of a fascist movement that had attained state power at the time - a disillusionment with the left had set in because of the failure of the factory occupation movement which in 1920 had seen half a million workers seize control of their workplaces and begin the reorganisation of production under a system of workers' councils. A revolutionary situation unfolded which had parallels with the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in 1917. Italian workers lacked a comparable political leadership however and the crisis of power was brought to a close by the capitulation of the reformist PSI. In the months that followed murderous reprisals were mounted by right wing gangs against the the working class and peasant supporters of the occupations.
In Zetkin's thesis the features that distinguished fascism from run-of-the-mill reactionary politics were its mass character, extending deep into layers of the population that suffered impoverishment but which had also been disappointed by the failures of the mainstream, reformist, socialist leaderships. But to make its appeal to this mass movement the fascists utilised an explicitly anti-capitalist rhetoric which condemned the established elites for their betrayal of the nation, which was seen as the expression of the real interests of the people.
The idea of the nation displaced the conception of class, which had mobilised the workers and their peasant allies in 1920. The fascists countenanced violence against so-called anti-national forces, which included socialists of all stripes and layers of the intelligentsia. This was carried out by 'squadrons' recruited from the elements of the petty bourgeoisie who had recently served in the ranks of the armed forces. Racism also became a part of the fascist message.
As fascism became more prominent in the politics of the country a section of the capitalist class comes to appreciate its role in suppressing the working class movement and begin to finance the activities of its party and to treat with its leadership. At this point the way is open to it ascending to power, in the cases of Italy and later Germany, making using of parliamentary means. Once in power it reveals its true character, revoking promises to act in the interests of the working class by raising wages and promoting welfare, and acts in direct partnership with the leading elements of the capitalist class.
This thesis became mainstream within the communist movement but the conclusions that Zetkin drew from it were challenged and, during the notorious ultra-left 'third period' were overthrown. She was a staunch advocate of the united front tactic to combat the rise of fascism. This was to be based on an appeal to all the working class parties and trade unions, including the reformists, to agree a common platform which defined the class interest in defeating fascism. She held the view that the differences between reformist and revolutionary currents would be tested in practice but in ways that did not jeopardise the unity workers needed to combat the threat of the far right.
Lessons for today? It has been a long while since working class movements posed an effective challenge to the rule of capital in any part of the word, so the element of profound disappointment in a failed socialism does not appear to be present in any part of the world today. The element of capitalist crisis is certainly present and large sections of the populations in mature capitalist countries feel themselves deprived of the prosperity that once seemed to have been secured. This is driving support for the populist right and the basis for their appeal is strengthened by a fascist-like appeal to loyalty to the nation and hostility to its perceived enemies - ie migrants, ethnic minorities and liberal intellectuals.
All of this is comparable to the fascist movements of the 20s, 30s and 40s but the absence of a mass base for a militant socialist movement reduces the need for the street level violence that was a feature of the Italian squadrons and the Nazi Brown Shirts. The authority of established state organs for the time being seems to be quite sufficient to keep dissent under control and this in turn moderates the militancy of far right political parties once they obtain power. In Italy and Germany the fascist governments swerved in a more radical direction after attaining government power, moving to reconstruct the state and render illegal all oppositi0n to their authority. It Trump, Meloni, et al are to move in ways that can be unambiguously defined as fascist we will have to see whether they can sustain their radicalism and commence this process of state reconstruction as they build their governments. There are some indications of how this might be done in the cases of Narendra Modi in India and Victor Orban in Hungary, but also of a continuing capacity of the liberal-democratic state to resist the worst. If we are to move in a fully blown fascist direction the forces that sustain this liberal-democratic component will have to be overthrown. Regretably, this is not entirely out of the question.
December 16, 2018
The Anti-Fascist Professionals
With the term fascism much in the news since Trump’s election, those concerned about it might want to consult the pros. They include Clara Zetkin, whose “Fighting Fascism,” originally published in 1923, was recently reprinted and Leon Trotsky’s “Fascism, What It Is and How to Fight It,” still, fortunately, in print. For both authors, a key feature of fascism is terror, violence on a massive scale against ordinary working people. By that standard, what we have seen so far in Trump’s America is not fascism. This doesn’t mean it’s good; in fact, what we see and what started long before Trump, which his racism and xenophobia amplify, is a kind of proto-fascism, because neoliberalism shades easily and imperceptibly into fascism. It does so through its savage assault on ordinary people’s living standards; by abolishing rent control (cited by Zetkin), by privatizing public enterprises (Zetkin also cites this), by slashing the social safety net, cutting food stamps, Medicaid, unemployment insurance, by suppressing wages and undermining unions. Indeed, with regard to these neoliberal economic policies, Mussolini said it all: fascists “are liberals in the classic meaning of the word.”
Read more of my review at: http://www.eveottenberg.com/blog.htm
With the term fascism much in the news since Trump’s election, those concerned about it might want to consult the pros. They include Clara Zetkin, whose “Fighting Fascism,” originally published in 1923, was recently reprinted and Leon Trotsky’s “Fascism, What It Is and How to Fight It,” still, fortunately, in print. For both authors, a key feature of fascism is terror, violence on a massive scale against ordinary working people. By that standard, what we have seen so far in Trump’s America is not fascism. This doesn’t mean it’s good; in fact, what we see and what started long before Trump, which his racism and xenophobia amplify, is a kind of proto-fascism, because neoliberalism shades easily and imperceptibly into fascism. It does so through its savage assault on ordinary people’s living standards; by abolishing rent control (cited by Zetkin), by privatizing public enterprises (Zetkin also cites this), by slashing the social safety net, cutting food stamps, Medicaid, unemployment insurance, by suppressing wages and undermining unions. Indeed, with regard to these neoliberal economic policies, Mussolini said it all: fascists “are liberals in the classic meaning of the word.”
Read more of my review at: http://www.eveottenberg.com/blog.htm
April 29, 2024
Väga hästi kirjutatud ülevaade fašismi tõusust Itaalias ja Saksamaal, mille Zetkin kirjutas uskumatu ennustusvõimega 1923, kuid on siiani tõene ning hõlmab juba hoiatust fašismi võidukäigust Saksamaal ja teise maailmasõja hoiatust.
Olulised punktid on ka 21. sajandil sarnased, kuigi mitmed aspektid on muutunud neofašistlike liikumiste retoorikas ning tehnikates. Sellegipoolest on samaks jäänud liikumise suhe klassivõitlusesse ning proletariaati. Kui sada aastat tagasi võttis fašism leeki ebaõnnestunud sotsialistlikest liikumistest ning maailmasõja purustustest, siis kaasajal pole majanduslik võõrandumine kontseptsioonina muutunud, ainult kiirenenud, kuid ideoloogiliselt on saanud vastukaaluks sotsiaalselt liberaalsele poliitikale.
"In historical terms, viewed objectively, fascism arrives much more as punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution that began in Russia. And the base of fascism lies not in a small caste but in broad social layers, broad masses, reaching even into the proletariat. We must understand these essential differences in order to deal successfully with fascism. Military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically."
Olulised punktid on ka 21. sajandil sarnased, kuigi mitmed aspektid on muutunud neofašistlike liikumiste retoorikas ning tehnikates. Sellegipoolest on samaks jäänud liikumise suhe klassivõitlusesse ning proletariaati. Kui sada aastat tagasi võttis fašism leeki ebaõnnestunud sotsialistlikest liikumistest ning maailmasõja purustustest, siis kaasajal pole majanduslik võõrandumine kontseptsioonina muutunud, ainult kiirenenud, kuid ideoloogiliselt on saanud vastukaaluks sotsiaalselt liberaalsele poliitikale.
"In historical terms, viewed objectively, fascism arrives much more as punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution that began in Russia. And the base of fascism lies not in a small caste but in broad social layers, broad masses, reaching even into the proletariat. We must understand these essential differences in order to deal successfully with fascism. Military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically."
April 13, 2021
Imprescindible. Encara que hagi estat escrit quasi un segle abans, trobo que es un escrit molt clarificador de què és el feixisme i com combatre’l.
April 21, 2025
It is striking how many comparisons we can draw between the fascist movements of the 1920s across Europe and Trumpism. While the United States has a much different capitalist context than the manufacturing-centered economies of early twentieth century Italy and Germany, there are lessons to be learned from this history. In particular -
--Fascism arises when capitalism fails the lower classes. The upper class might disintegrate or conditions can worsen for lower/middle classes. This has been the case in America; by 2016 economic inequality was worsening. The 2008 recession left many families worse off and there wasn't really a party that represented workers or lower classes. Dems were easily status quo capitalist.
--This left a lot of folks feeling politically homeless. Trump harnessed feelings of disillusionment and democratic progress.
--Now you've got a billionaire squad leading the country who are, as Zetkin wrote, “striving for the reconstruction of the capitalist economy…the maintenance of [the bourgeoise’s] class domination.”
--More broadly, the Trump administration is deploying key methods of fascism to try to cement the power of the ruling class. Their aims to exploit and oppress the working class, to dissolve the federal workforce, and to subjugate different marginalized groups including Trans humans, migrants, women, and anyone who might qualify as a “diversity, equity, and inclusion” hire, are means to a broader goal: to weaken the lower classes. And these approaches have been seen before, as Zetkin documents, in fascist Italy.
-- By leveraging the moods and interests of the social masses, Trump was able to rise to power. In Italy in 1921, Zetkin recounts that “[f]ascism won the masses through sham revolutionary demands advocated through unscrupulously demagogic agitation. Its pompous verbal radicalism was aimed above all against the government of Giolitti, ‘betrayer of the nation.’” This almost requires no explanation of how Trump has deployed these tactics–his rude oversimplifications and pithy, hateful one liners do the work itself.
--With the power Trump has accumulated, he is deploying brutal and violent terror by way of the El Salvadoran prison, by way of mass layoffs, by way of stripping away the protections our government has provided that has made us free–safe food, clean air, bespoke approaches to health for rare diseases. In nineteenth century Italy, anti-nationals were disciplined through violence–facilities burnt to the ground and people murdered.
Zetkin maintains that the character of fascism will be different country to country. But there are some key steps we can take to fight fascism. First we can recognize that fascism contradicts itself. We've seen Trump say he will help the working class, but he is actively taking steps to undermine the economy the lower class depends on. This will hopefully lead to U.S. fascism's undoing, but likely not before we see much more violence. Zetkin outlines more explicit tactics to overcome fascism:
--Labor parties/orgs of every tendency must form a special body for leading the struggle against fascism. The duties of such a body include:
----Compilation of facts of fascist movement in their country
----Systematic education of the working class to the hostile character of the fascist movement, by means of newspaper articles, pamphlets, posters, meetings, etc
----Organization of self-defense among the working class by means of enrolling and arming self-defense troops.
----Inclusion of all workers, of whatever party, in this struggle
----Combat fascisms in parliaments and all public bodies
----Special attention to antifascist education among working youth, from whose ranks the fascists enlist most of their recruits
--The forces of fascism are organized internationally. It is therefore imperative that the fight against fascism also be organized internationally.
--Material and moral support (mutual aid) for the persecuted working class (and other oppressed groups), which can include a moral, political, and material boycott of the fascist government
--Fascism arises when capitalism fails the lower classes. The upper class might disintegrate or conditions can worsen for lower/middle classes. This has been the case in America; by 2016 economic inequality was worsening. The 2008 recession left many families worse off and there wasn't really a party that represented workers or lower classes. Dems were easily status quo capitalist.
--This left a lot of folks feeling politically homeless. Trump harnessed feelings of disillusionment and democratic progress.
--Now you've got a billionaire squad leading the country who are, as Zetkin wrote, “striving for the reconstruction of the capitalist economy…the maintenance of [the bourgeoise’s] class domination.”
--More broadly, the Trump administration is deploying key methods of fascism to try to cement the power of the ruling class. Their aims to exploit and oppress the working class, to dissolve the federal workforce, and to subjugate different marginalized groups including Trans humans, migrants, women, and anyone who might qualify as a “diversity, equity, and inclusion” hire, are means to a broader goal: to weaken the lower classes. And these approaches have been seen before, as Zetkin documents, in fascist Italy.
-- By leveraging the moods and interests of the social masses, Trump was able to rise to power. In Italy in 1921, Zetkin recounts that “[f]ascism won the masses through sham revolutionary demands advocated through unscrupulously demagogic agitation. Its pompous verbal radicalism was aimed above all against the government of Giolitti, ‘betrayer of the nation.’” This almost requires no explanation of how Trump has deployed these tactics–his rude oversimplifications and pithy, hateful one liners do the work itself.
--With the power Trump has accumulated, he is deploying brutal and violent terror by way of the El Salvadoran prison, by way of mass layoffs, by way of stripping away the protections our government has provided that has made us free–safe food, clean air, bespoke approaches to health for rare diseases. In nineteenth century Italy, anti-nationals were disciplined through violence–facilities burnt to the ground and people murdered.
Zetkin maintains that the character of fascism will be different country to country. But there are some key steps we can take to fight fascism. First we can recognize that fascism contradicts itself. We've seen Trump say he will help the working class, but he is actively taking steps to undermine the economy the lower class depends on. This will hopefully lead to U.S. fascism's undoing, but likely not before we see much more violence. Zetkin outlines more explicit tactics to overcome fascism:
--Labor parties/orgs of every tendency must form a special body for leading the struggle against fascism. The duties of such a body include:
----Compilation of facts of fascist movement in their country
----Systematic education of the working class to the hostile character of the fascist movement, by means of newspaper articles, pamphlets, posters, meetings, etc
----Organization of self-defense among the working class by means of enrolling and arming self-defense troops.
----Inclusion of all workers, of whatever party, in this struggle
----Combat fascisms in parliaments and all public bodies
----Special attention to antifascist education among working youth, from whose ranks the fascists enlist most of their recruits
--The forces of fascism are organized internationally. It is therefore imperative that the fight against fascism also be organized internationally.
--Material and moral support (mutual aid) for the persecuted working class (and other oppressed groups), which can include a moral, political, and material boycott of the fascist government
Read
June 6, 2025Fascism confronts the proletariat as an exceptionally dangerous and frightful enemy. Fascism is the strongest, most concentrated, and classic expression at this time of the world bourgeoisie’s general offensive. It is urgently necessary that it be brought down. This is true not only with respect to the historic existence of the proletariat as a class, which will free humankind by surmounting capitalism. It is also a question of survival for every ordinary worker, a question of bread, working conditions, and quality of life for millions and millions of the exploited.
That is why the struggle against fascism must be taken up by the entire proletariat. It is evident that we will overcome this wily enemy all the sooner to the degree that we grasp its essential character and how that character is expressed. There has been great confusion regarding fascism, not only among the broad masses of proletarians but also within their revolutionary vanguard, among Communists. At first, the prevailing view was that fascism was nothing more than violent bourgeois terror, and its character and effects were thought to be similar to those of the Horthy regime in Hungary [1]. Yet even though fascism and the Horthy regime employ the same bloody, terrorist methods, which bear down on the proletariat in the same way, the historical essence of the two phenomena is entirely different.
The terror in Hungary began after the defeat of an initially victorious revolutionary struggle. For a moment the bourgeoisie trembled before the proletariat’s might. The Horthy terror emerged as revenge against the revolution. The agent of this revenge was a small caste of feudal officers.
Fascism is quite different from that. It is not at all the revenge of the bourgeoisie against the militant uprising of the proletariat. In historical terms, viewed objectively, fascism arrives much more as punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution that began in Russia. And the base of fascism lies not in a small caste but in broad social layers, broad masses, reaching even into the proletariat. We must understand these essential differences in order to deal successfully with fascism. Military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically.
That is why the struggle against fascism must be taken up by the entire proletariat. It is evident that we will overcome this wily enemy all the sooner to the degree that we grasp its essential character and how that character is expressed. There has been great confusion regarding fascism, not only among the broad masses of proletarians but also within their revolutionary vanguard, among Communists. At first, the prevailing view was that fascism was nothing more than violent bourgeois terror, and its character and effects were thought to be similar to those of the Horthy regime in Hungary [1]. Yet even though fascism and the Horthy regime employ the same bloody, terrorist methods, which bear down on the proletariat in the same way, the historical essence of the two phenomena is entirely different.
The terror in Hungary began after the defeat of an initially victorious revolutionary struggle. For a moment the bourgeoisie trembled before the proletariat’s might. The Horthy terror emerged as revenge against the revolution. The agent of this revenge was a small caste of feudal officers.
Fascism is quite different from that. It is not at all the revenge of the bourgeoisie against the militant uprising of the proletariat. In historical terms, viewed objectively, fascism arrives much more as punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution that began in Russia. And the base of fascism lies not in a small caste but in broad social layers, broad masses, reaching even into the proletariat. We must understand these essential differences in order to deal successfully with fascism. Military means alone cannot vanquish it, if I may use that term; we must also wrestle it to the ground politically and ideologically.
January 26, 2023
A compilation of texts by Zetkin and others as result of the Comintern debate on the rise of fascism and what to do about it.
They define fascism as:
"Fascism is the expression of the economic decay of capitalism and the disintegration of the bourgeois state."
"... a movement of the hungry, the suffering, the disappointed, and those without a future."
"... [a result of the] dislocation of the capitalist economy that it caused among broad layers of the small and middle bourgeoisie, the small peasantry, and the “intelligentsia.” This process dashed the hopes of these layers by demolishing their previous conditions of life and the degree of security they had previously enjoyed. Many in these social layers are also disillusioned regarding their vague expectations of a profound improvement in society through reformist socialism."
They blame it's rise on the weakness of the Communist party, that failed to offer a credible alternative to masses and "the betrayal of the reformist leaders—cowards who abandoned the proletarians in the struggle", people that wanted to work within the system and made to many compromises to the establishment and got nothing of value for the people as a result.
They believe that "The bourgeoisie was quick to recruit fascism to service and use in its struggle to beat down and permanently enslave the proletariat."
To fight fascism, they stress the need to overcome it ideologically and politically at the same time they organize the workers to physically fight it and give material support and asylum to their victims.
They define fascism as:
"Fascism is the expression of the economic decay of capitalism and the disintegration of the bourgeois state."
"... a movement of the hungry, the suffering, the disappointed, and those without a future."
"... [a result of the] dislocation of the capitalist economy that it caused among broad layers of the small and middle bourgeoisie, the small peasantry, and the “intelligentsia.” This process dashed the hopes of these layers by demolishing their previous conditions of life and the degree of security they had previously enjoyed. Many in these social layers are also disillusioned regarding their vague expectations of a profound improvement in society through reformist socialism."
They blame it's rise on the weakness of the Communist party, that failed to offer a credible alternative to masses and "the betrayal of the reformist leaders—cowards who abandoned the proletarians in the struggle", people that wanted to work within the system and made to many compromises to the establishment and got nothing of value for the people as a result.
They believe that "The bourgeoisie was quick to recruit fascism to service and use in its struggle to beat down and permanently enslave the proletariat."
To fight fascism, they stress the need to overcome it ideologically and politically at the same time they organize the workers to physically fight it and give material support and asylum to their victims.
April 25, 2025
"...a tot arreu consisteix [el feixisme] en una amalgama de violència brutal, terrorista, i fraseologia revolucionària fal•laç que connecta demagògicament amb les necessitats i l'estat d'ànim d'àmplies masses de productors."
"...el feixisme és producte del domini capitalista [...]. L'amenaça del feixisme només acabarà, una vegada per sempre, quan la classe obrera prengui el poder a les famílies capitalistes multimilionàries i comenci a construir un món nou."
Gran descobriment el de Clara Zetkin (una dona més amb veu silenciada tant a la seva època com també actualment, ja que jo era el primer cop que n'he sentit a parlar). Ja al 1923 va presentar el seu anàlisi sobre el feixisme (agafant de referència el procés que estava visquent Itàlia), abans que aquest s'instaurés a Alemanya. Zetkin desglossa quin és el "caldo de cultiu" que provoca el sorgiment feixista, i anomena la manera de combatre'l, que principalment consisteix en fer front comú de tot el proletariat contra aquest, tant a nivell de defensa física, com ideològica i política, independentment de la posició política individual.
"...el feixisme és producte del domini capitalista [...]. L'amenaça del feixisme només acabarà, una vegada per sempre, quan la classe obrera prengui el poder a les famílies capitalistes multimilionàries i comenci a construir un món nou."
Gran descobriment el de Clara Zetkin (una dona més amb veu silenciada tant a la seva època com també actualment, ja que jo era el primer cop que n'he sentit a parlar). Ja al 1923 va presentar el seu anàlisi sobre el feixisme (agafant de referència el procés que estava visquent Itàlia), abans que aquest s'instaurés a Alemanya. Zetkin desglossa quin és el "caldo de cultiu" que provoca el sorgiment feixista, i anomena la manera de combatre'l, que principalment consisteix en fer front comú de tot el proletariat contra aquest, tant a nivell de defensa física, com ideològica i política, independentment de la posició política individual.
November 2, 2024
Decent orthodox Marxist theorization of fascism and how to fight it via the united front. Taber and Riddell offer a good biographical sketch of Zetkin and a summary of the work presented.
Her conceptualization of fascism is strong but there are some issues:
- While she stresses the mass character of fascism, she doesn't emphasize the existence of mass far-right paramilitary fighting formations (blackshirts, brownshirts) as perhaps its most definitive trait, which I do think is essential.
- She does not recognize the internal-colonization aspects of fascism.
- Some sections are dated (obviously)
The strongest part of this work is its detailed exposition of how to combat the fascists through the united front. Much to learn and adopt from here I'd say.
Her conceptualization of fascism is strong but there are some issues:
- While she stresses the mass character of fascism, she doesn't emphasize the existence of mass far-right paramilitary fighting formations (blackshirts, brownshirts) as perhaps its most definitive trait, which I do think is essential.
- She does not recognize the internal-colonization aspects of fascism.
- Some sections are dated (obviously)
The strongest part of this work is its detailed exposition of how to combat the fascists through the united front. Much to learn and adopt from here I'd say.
March 17, 2021
Clara Zetkin introduced the first International Working Women’s Day. She proposed the Communist Party be unified internationally in partnership with Social Democrats strategically to keep a strong working class political arm. Stalin’s Communist Party ultimately disagreed, opting to alienate Social Democrats from their causes and faction the left, allowing right-wing figures to rise without strong and swift opposition. First in Italy with Mussolini, when Zetkin began writing about how that rise happened, and how Germany might prevent the rise of the Nazi Party.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
May 28, 2024
no coneixia la figura de Clara zetkin, i tenint en compte que l'informe està escrit l'any 1923 tela, perquè la va clavar. El llibre me l'he llegit en estones mortes al curro, i recordo una mica feixuc i repetitiu i redundant tot el tema de l'explicació de l'ascens feixista a Itàlia. El que més m'ha interessat segurament és a les acaballes del llibre quan es relata la biografia dels seus últims anys de vida, la seva relació amb Stalin, amb els següents congressos de la Komintern i el discurs al Reichstag contra els nazis ja majoritaris. Bona lectura.
February 12, 2019
It is a quick, pretty comprehensive, and historical discussion of fascism. Clara Zetkin's prescience is astounding: she wrote this in the 1920's and was in the Bundestag during Hitler's rise to power. The geneology of fascism and the strategies for fighting it are still relevant in modern times. I think as a republishing, the text might have included additional essays that connect Zetkin's work to 21st century fascism and explore its legacy and evolution a bit.
November 20, 2020
Read this short pamphlet for another local socialist reading group. There's much to learn from Clara Zetkin's call for a united front against fascism. Too bad the Commintern effectively silenced her and overturned the 1924 convention's strategies. Who knows? Maybe the united front would have crushed Hitler before his rise to power. We'll never know. But Zetkin's analyses and strategies against fascism still hold import for the entire international working class movement today.
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